In my last blog entry, I wrote about a UNFPA data-mapping project that is being undertaken here in the Kivus. The goal of the data-mapping project is to provide better assistance to survivors of sexual violence; if one NGO assists a survivor, the information provided by registering her in the global database will make it easier for her to receive other forms of assistance, be they medical, psychosocial, judicial, or socioeconomic. In addition, the information gathered can clarify where attacks against women are concentrated, and are being perpetrated by whom, thus helping prevention and advocacy efforts.

How this project works: Each NGO that receives a survivor interviews her and records information on her physical, mental, and emotional state, on forms provided by UNFPA. In addition, details of the incident are recorded, including date, location, and the identity/affiliation of the perpetrator. The “first-response” NGO (the one filling out the form) records the type of assistance they gave the survivor. Some biographical information is also recorded, which can be useful in identifying the kinds of assistance a survivor may require. Each assisted survivor also receives a unique ID number that contains information on the location of the incident, as well as the first NGO to assist the survivor. All this information contributes to a global database that will give all involved a clearer picture of the crisis of rape in Eastern Congo. It should be noted that the privacy of survivors is not affected by being added to this database.

The reach of this project acknowledges that rape does more than damage the physical and mental health of a woman; there are a variety of serious effects that a survivor must endure after being violated. NGOs in South Kivu tend to be fragmented, and survivors frequently lack a complete source of assistance. In addition, MONUSCO has noted a high level of repeat reporting by local NGOs, complicating matters.

SOS FED works primarily in the domain of psychosocial assistance and socioeconomic assistance, with perhaps a heavier emphasis on the former. SOS FED shelters women, helping them regain their mental and emotional health without having to deal with judgmental communities and restrictive customs. In addition, SOS FED teaches risk-reduction techniques through group cultivation, which has the double benefit of helping women reduce their chances of being attacked and providing them with income. An NGO such as Arche d’Alliance focuses on judicial representation and the protection of human rights through building civil society. The various hospitals and clinics throughout Fizi treat women for the physical trauma of rape and its aftereffects. So, as you can see, everyone has something to do, and coordination is necessary in order to get things done.

In all, the assistance provided by SOS FED remains the most holistic, yet practical, that I have seen in South Kivu. However, there is always something missing, especially for a small, local NGO like SOS FED. SOS FED particularly lacks capacity in the areas of judicial representation and medical services.

The center staff members refer women to nearby hospitals or clinics if they require immediate attention for fistulas or infections stemming from their attack. In addition, each center has basic medical supplies for minor illnesses and injuries. However, this is not nearly enough for the kinds of physical trauma that beneficiaries may be suffering from; almost all of the women at our centers complain of continual lower abdominal pain and sometimes irregular bleeding. Nonetheless, arriving at a hospital does not always guarantee effective treatment, as the cost of good medical care can be too expensive for our beneficiaries.

Our center staff also instructs beneficiaries on their rights, but do not have the resources or training needed to represent these women in court. Granted, the Congolese judicial system has a long way to go before it can be described as effective in handing out punitive sentences to offenders. However, pressure applied to civil and military authorities can make a difference, especially if there is a well-documented, public source of information on incidents of sexual violence.

This is where the UNFPA data-mapping project becomes useful for SOS FED. Once a survivor has a dossier created by the SOS FED staff, it becomes much easier for her to receive judicial or medical support, should she require it. Being registered in the database means that a survivor can receive free medical treatment at a hospital or clinic; all SOS FED has to do is get her there. If a survivor requires extensive treatment for severe trauma, SOS FED can always coordinate with PSVS to send the survivor to Panzi Hospital in Bukavu, where (if accepted), she can receive some of the best medical care in the Kivus. Arche d’Alliance, with its large resources, institutional knowledge, and national network, can use the information provided in the database to produce human rights reports and put pressure on local officials, national authorities, and the international community to address the issue of sexual violence in the Kivus.

The local CTLVS and Arche d’Alliance remain the focal points for the UNFPA data-mapping project in Uvira and Fizi Territories. This past week, Amisi and I arranged for training for our staff on completing dossiers for each beneficiary. Arche will make sure that each center has a sufficient number of forms at its disposal, as well as visit our center frequently to pick up the dossiers. Further networking will ensure that we can increase the level of assistance for our beneficiaries through coordination with other organizations. There is a caveat: the success of the project depends on more than participation from SOS FED; many different actors, including UNFPA, have to come through if survivors of sexual violence are to see a noticeable improvement in assistance.

Overall, participation in this project should ensure a better, more complete standard of care for SOS FED beneficiaries. L’Union fait La Force.

Good news: the German Embassy in Kigali gave Marceline her Schengen visa, so she will be departing for Berlin this Saturday. However, the entire ordeal was quite exhausting: traveling from Uvira to Kigali takes an entire day, and Marceline does not enjoy long bus trips. Hopefully next time we can find an easier way to do the entire thing.

The German Embassy in Kigali coordinated the visa approval with the German Embassy in Kinshasa, and they were very friendly and helpful when we came to pick it up. Our gratitude goes to the staff at both embassies, as well as our partners at ifa-Zivik for contacting them and requesting that Kigali accept Marceline’s application.

An interesting story: when we were at the bus station in Kigali, waiting for the bus to Kamembe, a young man approached me and struck up a conversation. His name was Philosophe, and he spoke fairly decent English. We started talking about music, and he told me about American artists that he liked: 50 Cent, Ne-Yo, and Chris Brown. Chris Brown, Philosophe told me, was the most popular American singer in Rwanda. I told Philosophe that I did not like Chris Brown because he beat up his girlfriend, Rihanna. Chris Brown’s popularity in America has declined quite a bit because of his violent behavior towards his girlfriend, I explained. I asked if he had heard about Chris Brown hitting Rihanna, he said yes. I asked Philosophe if this had affected his opinion of Chris Brown, he said no. I told him I thought that violence towards women should not be tolerated.

“Ah, but hitting your girl is a necessary part of the relationship, to keep them in line,” said Philosophe.

Oh my.

Bus station in Kigali

Bus station in Kigali

South Kivu is home to quite a few ethnic groups, and with any area with fragmented identities, there are low-level tensions between these groups.  In Uvira and Fizi, there are many different tribal/linguistic groups, such as the Bafulero, Babembe, Bavira, Banyamulenge, Bashi.  Here is a little guide to the prefixes:

One person: Mufulero

Many people: Bafulero

Language: Kifulero

For example:  Josephine is a Mubembe.  She belongs to the Babembe people, and she speaks Kibembe.  There are a couple of exceptions to these grammatical rules; for example, the Banyamulenge speak Kinyarwanda, as their ethnic group came to the Kivus from Rwanda a few hundred years ago.  People from Rwanda are called Banyarwanda, people from Burundi are called Barundi (or, more commonly, burundais) and speak Kirundi.  In the Kivus, most everybody knows Kiswahili, as is the case in Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, and Tanzania.  Kiswahili has become the lingua franca in areas where people from many different ethnic groups are found, such as Uvira town.  In addition, most people know at least a little bit of the language of other ethnic groups.  Despite slight regional differences in vocabulary, one can get most anywhere in East Africa if one speaks Kiswahili.

One has to be extremely careful when talking about ethnicity, especially when it comes to the various armed groups.  Ethnic issues oftentimes are connected to political and military actions, but no armed group’s motivations can be explained entirely along ethnic guidelines.  Looking for a political motive is more worthwhile.

When the Rwandans invaded the Congo and continued to have a presence in the Kivus, part of their explanation for their invasion was to prevent the “genocide” of their “Tutsi” brothers, the Banyamulenge.  Simmering ethnic tensions already existing between the Banyamulenge and the “autochtone” tribes (Babembe, Bafulero) were one of the reasons why South Kivu was invaded, catalyzed by the genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda and by the fact many of the perpetrators fled into the Congo and were regrouping there.  Depending on whom you talk to here, you will always get a different response as to who is the truly “victimized” ethnic group in South Kivu.  While political and rebel movements may be along “tribal” lines (the FDLR, for example, is a “Hutu” nationalist group), ethnicity may be simply be an excuse to further a selfish agenda. Politicians and military leaders exploit these differences; in South Kivu, the Banyamulenge can be portrayed either as bloodthirsty killers of the “native” tribes or as victims of “genocidal Congolese” and their “Hutu genocidaire allies”.  Neither portrayal is correct. Members of one ethnic group may be quick to recall the massacres of their tribesmen at the hands of another tribe, but won’t be able to recall the massacres committed by their own ethnic group against others; I’ve heard this quite a bit from Bembe people in Fizi Territory, who are quick to point out sites where Babembe were massacred by the predominately Banyamulenge RCD, but would be hard pressed to recount the anti-Banyamulenge pogroms/massacres that have also occurred in the area, before and after the RCD takeover.

Of course, this is not to say that ethnicity/tribal affiliation is something to ignore; one only has to look at the 1994 genocide in Rwanda to see the perils of ignoring ethnic tensions and how they can be exploited for murderous intent.  Ethnic divides can ignite hatred and suspicion, since it is that much easier to hate the “other” who doesn’t speak your language, looks a little differently than you, and practices customs slightly different from yours.

The FARDC in South Kivu consist of many Banyamulenge, including quite of the officers.  The Mai Mai are comprised of members mostly from the “autochtone” tribes, the Babembe, Bafulero, etc.  The fact that the conflict is delineated along ethnic lines is one reason why the Amani Leo troops are implicated in so many rapes in Fizi Territory; there is a lower mental/cultural threshold to cross for a Banyamulenge soldier to rape/assault someone of the “other” ethnic group, especially for someone they see as the “enemy”.  Same thing goes for the FDLR rebels and their general attitude towards the Congolese population.  The Banyamulenge are not inherently evil, and not all members of their ethnic group can be labeled as rapists and murderers, despite what some members of some other ethnic groups may tell you.  It is easy to see how the situation could be reversed if the FARDC ranks were mostly commanded and made up of members of another ethnic group.

This is not to say that all sexual or gender-based violence goes perpendicular to ethnic lines.  The second-class status of women in a patriarchal society make Congolese women all the more vulnerable to the designs of all predators, be they a soldier from a different region, their next-door neighbor, or even a member of their own family.  Taboos on denouncing perpetrators and the lack of a functioning law enforcement/justice system make the situation all the more difficult to gauge and ameliorate.

When I write about the Congo, I mostly try to avoid attaching ethnic labels to political/armed groups, except when necessary to possibly explain the reasons around a group’s actions/platform.  The point is that ethnic/tribal divides often exacerbate conflicts over land, mineral mines, or even cows.  Ignoring them only perpetuates ignorance, but simply attributing all the violence to “ethnic conflict” misses the point.  The war has political, economic, and military implications that extend beyond the region and even beyond the continent.

In the States, I’ve had to endure listening to many an American talking about “crazy uncivilized Africans” killing each other because of “tribal animosity” that existed “long before we [white people] got there”.  I greatly resent this sort of sentiment, mostly because of colonial legacy (remember, it was Europeans who created the whole “Hutu” and “Tutsi” false dichotomy) and the modern problems of Africa that have more to do with economics and politics than tribal affiliation.  Oftentimes these modern problems involve the actions of governments, corporations, and individuals outside of Africa.  I’d say that our culpability as Non-Africans is pretty well established.

It should be noted that the grand majority of Congolese people I know are fairly chilled out when it comes to ethnic differences; people from all different tribes and ethnic groups interact with each other everyday in the Congo without incident.

Many civil society organizations in Eastern Congo work to try and break down these ethnic barriers, reminding everyone that they are Congolese citizens first and foremost, and tribal differences should not be an excuse for violence, mistrust, and marginalization.  SOS FED makes no distinction between beneficiaries in terms of language or tribe, and all are welcome.

On February 28^th, a vehicle belonging to CCAP, a local NGO based in Uvira, was stopped by bandits up near Magunda, in Uvira Territory.  CCAP coordinates the efforts of 28 local NGOs working on food security, civil society, health and sanitation, and sexual violence.  The bandits took money, cell phones, and the clothes of the passengers.  Fortunately, no one was hurt.

The zone where the CCAP vehicle was taken is by no means safe as churches, but it was still a bit disquieting to learn of such an incident so close to Uvira in an area considered not near as dangerous as it was back in 2009.

According to UN sources, Amani Leo troops are pulling out of some of the smaller villages in Fizi Territory and moving into the bigger towns for re-organization and training.  On March 5, we got a call from the ANR in Kikonde to tell us that the Mai Mai had just moved into Kikonde, which means that our visit there for March was cancelled.  The Mai Mai are not implicated in near as many rapes as the Amani Leo troops, who are truly a scourge to the civilian population of Fizi Territory, but their unpredictable behavior makes it difficult to travel and work in areas they control.

On February 26^th, the FDLR raped around 50 women (and a few men) on the road to the market in Milimba.  This is the 6^th case of mass rape in the Haut Plateau in 2011.  The number of reported rape cases in the Haut Plateau is around 150 just since January 19^th.  Chew on that statistic a little bit and tell me there shouldn’t be more done.  Médecins Sans Frontières responds to many of these mass rape incidents, but the simple truth is that there isn’t enough being done to stop the violence, particularly against women.

Just how difficult is it to bring security to South Kivu?  The answer is very difficult.  The FDLR is very well entrenched in the remote areas, controlling mineral mines and fishing around key areas near the border with Katanga Province.  They are adequately trained and equipped, and can simply melt into the jungles when attacked.  In Fizi Territory, the roads, where they exist, are terrible.  In the Haut Plateau, most places are only accessible via footpath or helicopter.  The MONUSCO troops do not have a substantial presence in Fizi, and therefore are unwilling to send what few troops they have there out to get ambushed in the jungle.  When I asked the UN people why there isn’t a greater troop presence in Fizi, they told me it is because of lack of resources.  Fizi is far away from Bukavu, where MONUSCO is headquartered in South Kivu, and therefore the lines of supply and communication are stretched.

MONUSCO is the largest UN mission anywhere, but the Congo is such a vast country with so little infrastructure that it remains difficult to keep the peace, especially in areas like Fizi Territory.  This problem is greatly compounded by several other facts:

• The rebel factions and militias (various groups of Mai Mai, FDLR, FRF, etc.) are numerous, complicated, and have shifting alliances.
• The FARDC is undisciplined and resented by many in Fizi because of ethnic unbalances within the ranks and the fact that many of FARDC troops are comprised of soldiers of previous Rwandan-backed rebel groups that ravaged the civilian populations of the Kivus (AFDL, RCD, CNDP).
• The illegal mineral trade has implications for governments, generals, and politicians beyond the Congo’s borders.

What does this mean for small NGOs like SOS FED?  The lack of security in Fizi Territory makes work difficult, to say the least.  SOS FED had to shut down their reception center in Kazimia because the FDLR and Mai Mai are camped too close to ensure the security of the staff.  The Mai Mai looted the reception center in Mboko back in 2009, although no one was hurt.  Visiting the SOS FED reception center in Kikonde is very difficult because of continued Mai Mai and FDLR presence in the area.

A fight breaks out in a bar in the dark of the night in the town of Fizi, deep in the territory that bears the same name. The argument is between a civilian and a soldier of the 43rd Sector, over a woman. In the resulting melee, the soldier shoots the civilian. This sets off a riot, and an angry crowd lynches the soldier in public.

News of the lynching reaches the troops of the 43rd Sector. To “avenge” their fallen comrade, a group of soldiers descended upon Fizi for a massive campaign of rape and destruction. So far, 50 cases have been confirmed, but as more people return the official number is expected to climb. The real number is probably much higher, since many women will not report that they have been violated.

The 43rd Sector is part of Amani Leo (“Peace Now”), a military operation charged with dealing once and for all with the marauding FDLR rebels who continue to ravage the Kivus. Their commander, Lt. Colonel Kibibi Mutware is a former CNDP rebel who was integrated into the FARDC as the result of a 2009 peace agreement. He commands a group of Kinyarwanda-speaking Banyamulenge troops, often resented because of the role of their ethnic group in the Rwandan invasion of Eastern Congo.
Lt. Col. Kibibi claims that the perpetrators of this mass rape were soldiers disobeying orders to stay on base. However, as the people of Fizi recounted the horror they survived, it became clear that more than a few witnessed Lt. Col. Kibibi urging his soldiers to attack the people of Fizi, directing them in committing unspeakable acts of violence. These accusations were serious enough to be included in a UN report on the Fizi mass rape. Also, it is not the first time that Lt. Col. Kibibi has been accused of human rights abuses.

It is a well-documented phenomenon when FARDC military commanders spur their troops to ravage the very citizens they are sworn to protect, and the latest incident in Fizi is quite possibly another instance of such a sickening perversion.

MONUSCO troops now patrol Fizi town in order to maintain order, and a Congolese military spokesman has stated that all who were responsible for the carnage have been arrested. The Congolese military supposedly has a “zero-tolerance” policy towards human rights abuses, and yet it begs the question why something this massive and atrocious occurred in the first place.

The general apathy of the Congolese government and the international community towards human rights abuses committed by the FARDC is bearing bitter fruit. Human rights training, reprimands, and the removal of some commanders who condone rape have not been extensive enough to cut away the cancer that plagues the Congolese military. Amani Leo is quickly becoming a joke at the expense of the people of Eastern Congo.

When does this end?

So, here I am in Uvira, South Kivu Province, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Things are a bit different since I was here last time, but I think most of the changes are due to the fact that I have arrived in the middle of the rainy season this time around. In general, this means life is hot, muggy, and fairly dirty. Already I’ve surprised myself with my own odor and hustled off to find some water to wash. Fortunately, office decorum here in the Congo is a bit more relaxed than in the States, so even if there isn’t much water to wash with, folks don’t mind it too much.

I live in a house in the very crowded Kimanga neighborhood. My housemate is Amisi Mas, SOS FED’s able field officer. This house is hooked up for running water and electricity, however unreliable they are. From my caged-in “porch”, I can see a small slice of Lake Tanganyika; the distant, murky shore of Gatumba is barely visible on the other side of the skinny lake.

At night, you can sit and listen to the deafening buzz of insects. Under the insects’ chatter, you can just hear the soft undercurrent of Kiswahili conversation in the houses next-door, like listening to a quiet brook flowing in the dark. Not much gunfire, thank goodness.

Uvira in general seems a little more prosperous, a little more secure. More motorcycles clogging the roads, but the main road running through town is really starting to crumble into nothing. Since it is rainy season, sections of the road are dominated by puddles the size of your average backyard swimming pool. Mosquitoes are very prevalent, and I wonder how long I can go without contracting malaria.

Right now Ned, Marceline, Amisi, and I are working out what needs to be done for 2011. I am pretty happy to be back among the Congolese people, that is for sure. Stay tuned for more.

Kitagi miyazi, rafiki yangu.  So, I am headed back to the Congo.  After three months of documenting and reporting on the work of several civil society organizations, I left Uvira in August 2009 with a bad case of dysentery.  However, the violence and oppression in Eastern Congo has never been far from my mind.  I have tried to keep track of the human rights situation in the region, and now I am presented with the opportunity to work with SOS Femmes en Danger, a courageous local NGO based in South Kivu province that assists survivors of sexual violence.  Over the summer of 2009 Ned Meerdink and I produced a mini-documentary that showed the importance of SOS FED’s work.  Now, The Advocacy Project, SOS FED, and Zivik are embarking on an ambitious risk-reduction campaign, helping women decrease the probability of attack and enslavement.  Ned Meerdink has been laying down the groundwork for this project for months, and now I will be switching spots with him for about 12 months or so.

Here are some news articles and reports that give some background on the current situation in the Congo:

-UN peacekeepers ‘failed’ DR Congo rape victims

BBC News article on Atul Khare’s report to the UN Security Council on shortcomings of UN peacekeepers in preventing sexual violence committed by the FDLR, highlighted by the August 2010 mass rape in Luvungi.

__________________________________________________________ Read the rest of this entry »

Marceline Kongolo

Marceline Kongolo

Meet Marceline Kongolo.  Marceline is the founder and executive secretary of SOS Femmes en Danger, a grassroots organization that seeks to improve the situation of women in Eastern Congo through education and assistance.  SOS Femmes en Danger primarily works in Fizi Territory, where women are routinely abducted and subjected to sexual violence by numerous armed groups, both state and non-state.

Marceline is only 22 years old, but she has grown up amid the violent upheaval that has affected her homeland since the mid-90s.  Her personal story of flight and loss is quite incredible.

“I was born and grew up in Kindu, in Maniema Province,” Marceline told us, “In 2001 my family and I fled Kindu because of the war.  We were on the road for a long time, and in the process my father and brother were killed.  After that, we were five: my mother, my siblings, and me.  We fled then to Kisangani, but there life was difficult because of all the violence, war, and killing.  After Kisangani, we went to Bukavu, then to Uvira, and we finally ended up in Fizi.   Because of all the problems I saw around me during this period, I saw it was necessary to start helping women.”

Marceline’s story is unfortunately not too uncommon in Eastern Congo.  The circumstances under which her brother and father were murdered are also sadly familiar to the area.

“When we were fleeing Kindu,” said Marceline, “the Congolese soldiers were taking girls as young as 13 and forcing them to be their wives.  They would take girls into the forest, and after they had finished with them they would simply discard them.”

“This became a problem for me too, as a local commander wanted to take me as his wife.  He was going to take me, but my mother refused, saying that I was too young.  So, he sent men to kill my father and brother as we left Kindu.  The commander put my sister and me in prison.  After two days we were freed and we continued our flight to Kisangani.”

Stories similar to Marceline’s are still common in this part of Congo, and SOS Femmes en Danger faces an uphill battle in trying to break the cycle of sexual violence.  However, Marceline remains positive.

“I will continue my work and will not be discouraged,” she said, “I work little by little to help women in the Congo, and things will change.”

Since SOS Femmes en Danger is a very small local organization, it has difficulty in responding to the need for assistance in Fizi.  Marceline hopes that her organization will continue to grow and that women will be able to live without the constant fear of violation.

“We want to increase the number of women we are able to help.  Today, perhaps we can work with 30 victims, tomorrow maybe 60, after that maybe 70, 150, and so on.  That is the vision of SOS Femmes en Danger.  For women in general, we want peace, development, an end to the fighting and violence, and the ability to go about our business without being threatened.  Really, we just want women’s lives to be better.”

Marie Bashishibe

Marie Bashishibe

Meet Mariamu “Marie” Bashishibe.  Marie is the site director of the SOS Femmes en Danger reception center in Mboko, Fizi Territory.  This reception center shelters up to 30 women who are victims of sexual violence, domestic abuse, and marginalization by the community.  Many of the women at the center were abducted and raped by one of numerous armed groups that infest Fizi Territory.  Many of the women are the widows of soldiers and have no means of support.  All the women at the center are objects to cruel derision and marginalization in their communities.  They are called “prostitutes” and other harsh names, even if their experience was by no choice of their own.

 ”There are some women here that were kicked out of their homes by their husbands because they were raped,” said Marie, “Their husbands claim that since they were raped, they are now infected with viruses and sickness, and so they simply throw them out.”

“The community here neglects and derides these women,” she continued, “They are subject to neglect and derision.  Even their families reject them.  Even their country rejects them.”

 Indeed, the situation of women in Congo is very poor.  Marie spoke at length about this unsavory aspect of Congolese society.

“Women here are very neglected, even if they do all the work and are essentially the breadwinners of the family,” said Marie, “Women educate the children, feed them, clothe them.  They are responsible for everything.  Husbands sit under the trees and play Ludo [a popular board game] all day.  All the while their wives work in the fields, bring back the food, and prepare the food.  Men will forget they haven’t put forth any effort to provide the food, but they will certainly eat it!”

“In addition,” continued Marie, “Men will beat their wives, saying ‘don’t you know how to cook?  You used too little oil in the meal!”

“The men forget their women.  In Fizi, to be a wife is to be forgotten.  These women have nothing.  Men try to play us like pieces in their board game, doing whatever they want whenever they want it.”

 Marie also told us about how girls are held back from opportunities for education by their families, and how the only future considered for girls is to be married off at a young age.  If a woman’s husband runs off or dies, she is expected to marry again and keep making children, or else she will be considered a prostitute.  To make matters worse, the government does little to improve the lives women in Congo, despite the fact that the Congolese constitution guarantees equal rights to women.

“In the case of the government,” said Marie, “I haven’t seen anything at all working to help us here.  There is nothing here.  We don’t see any improvements.”

Women at the SOS FED reception center in Mboko

Women at the SOS FED reception center in Mboko

 In this atmosphere, it is easy to see how marginalization is a terrible sentence for a woman in Congo.  Thus, the center is available to these women so they have a bed to sleep in, food, basic medical treatment, and shelter from the abuse of their community.  However, Marie feels that there needs to be more to change the overall situation of women in Congo.

 ”Education is the start,” said Marie, “This has to be given to girls as well as boys.  Secondly, our soldiers need to be reeducated, so that they can learn to respect our women.  Thirdly, women should be able to control their finances, so women can monitor their household and keep their own money.  If women are able to drive their households, men will then recognize our value and begin respecting the work we do.”

 It should now be obvious that Marie is a fearless woman, speaking out against deeply entrenched chauvinist traditions and a war that has had a particularly devastating impact on women.  Not often does one find someone with Marie’s candor.

 Marie has been working at the center in Mboko for two years.  She hopes that in coming years, SOS Femmes en Dangers will be able to provide education to the women of Fizi, giving them the skills necessary to end sexual violence and promote equality for women in their communities.

“When women know their rights, they know how to defend themselves.  A woman can’t defend herself without this knowledge.  An educated woman applies this to her life, and thus the situation can change.”

The women at the SOS FED center in Mboko

The women at the SOS FED center in Mboko

SOS Femmes en Dangers (SOS FED) is a local organization in South Kivu whose mission is to help women who have been victims of sexual violence.  On July 29^th Ned and I had the opportunity to visit SOS FED’s refuge center in Mboko, deep in Fizi Territory.  The center is for women who have been victims of sexual violence at the hands of the roving bands of soldiers that infest the jungles of Fizi.  The services that the center provides are simple, but women who go there are given a safe place to recover from the physical and mental trauma of their experience.

In the Congo, soldiers of all affiliations use sexual violence against women to terrorize the population into submission.  After a woman has been violated, she will often find herself ostracized by her community and rejected by her family.  In addition to the obstacles to reintegration, she may often suffer from any number of health problems stemming from physical and sexual abuse, including severe genital mutilation.

Soldiers will also abduct women and hold them as virtual slaves in military camps in “the bush”.  The women are subjected to constant physical and sexual abuse, and may be kept for as long as three years.  If a woman has had children in the bush, they are often killed before she is released.

The SOS FED field center gives women who have been violated a safe place to stay and recover.  When I visited, there were eighteen women living at the center.  One of them had just come out of the bush five days ago; she was only 19, but already had had three children by soldiers.  There are only two big bedrooms at the center, so the women are stacked nine to a room.  Some of the women are bedridden due to illness.  The center is low on food and medicine.

Along with SOS FED staff member Amisi Munga, Ned and I recorded the testimony of four of the women.  We also interviewed the site director, a tall, austere woman named Mariamu “Marie” Bashishibe.  Marie talked at length about the suffering of these women.  Marie told us about the fates of those who cannot stay at the center; the capacity of the center is very small, and therefore it can barely make a dent in helping the hundreds of women who are victimized each year.  These women in Fizi Territory can expect to receive no assistance from the government; in fact, many of them have been victimized by soldiers of their own government, and not just by militia or invading rebels from Rwanda and Burundi.

Despite the suffering they had endured, these women demonstrated enormous strength and courage.  I was moved by the fact that they were very open to telling their stories on camera.  They asked us to take their pictures.  Their hospitality was unparalleled; they prepared for us a large feast of rice, beans, and fish, and before I left Marie presented me with a chicken as a gift from the women.

Right now, we are working on completely translating the interviews with the women from Kibembe so we can get a clearer picture of their experiences.  Today there is no justice for them, but hopefully by giving them a voice, someone out there will listen.

(l-r) Amisi, Walter, Marie, and Karl the chicken

(l-r) Amisi, Walter, Marie, and Karl the chicken