So, what is the situation in Uvira/Fizi these days?   There are wars and rumors of wars.  With the elections approaching, the activity of armed groups, most notably Mai Mai Yakutumba in the Ubwari Peninsula, has reached its highest level yet in 2011.

Vacillating internal displacement has created a host of humanitarian concerns in/around the Ubwari Peninsula, where the most concentrated fighting has occurred between FARDC forces and the allied Mai Mai Yakutumba/FNL/FDLR rebels.  As rumors of combat sweep through the villages and towns of the Ubwari, civilians will flee before fighting turns up in their locality.  Alternately, IDPs will return home immediately if fighting has ceased or has not occurred in their area.  However, this has created a yo-yo effect, with civilians fleeing and returning home multiple times over the last several months.  In some cases, returning IDPs are crossing paths with fleeing IDPs from their home areas.  An additional concern is that there is not enough of a humanitarian presence in/around the Ubwari to monitor the situation and respond to humanitarian concerns resulting from the back-and-forth IDP movements.

In one of their most recent monitoring reports, Arche d’Alliance reported that between 8/24 and 9/22, approximately 2,375 persons fled to Baraka alone; these IDPs arrived from the Ubwari, as well as from towns such as Kazimia and Sebele.

Since August, battles between FARDC and allied Mai Mai/FNL/FDLR forces have been reported in the following locations: Nemba, Talama, Yungu, Kikonde, Katenga, Sebele, and Karamba.

Due to the large numbers of IDPs fleeing the Ubwari, MONUSCO deployed Egyptian troops to Sebele to set up a TOB (Temporary Operations Base).  However, on October 19^th, MONUSCO recalled the Egyptians, despite the request of the humanitarian community in Fizi Territory to extend the TOB.  According to OCHA sources, civilians in Sebele are now afraid of reprisal due to the lack of a MONUSCO troops presence.

On October 9^th, gunshots were heard in the proximity of Baraka, sending the population into a panic.  For a while, reports were that Mai Mai Yakutumba were fighting the FARDC in the streets of Baraka, and therefore poised to take the most important town in all of Fizi.  However, it was soon revealed that the rumors were false.  Nonetheless, commerce through Baraka remains difficult because of Yakutumba’s presence on Lake Tanganyika, and prices of basic goods are reported to be soaring.

OCHA sources in Baraka report that since the increase in combat (and increase in FARDC fighting forces in their area), there has been a rise in human rights abuses committed by troops against civilians.  Monitors have cited multiple incidents of arbitrary arrests, extortion, and general harassment.  One must remember that there is quite a bit of mutual distrust and suspicion between the FARDC troops, many of which are not from Fizi, and the local population.

An interesting effect of the rising (and continuing) violence and warfare is that Congolese refugee repatriations are all but nonexistent in this area.  Since the days of the Congo Wars, people from Uvira/Fizi have fled to neighboring countries, in particular Burundi and Tanzania.  Despite the fact that President Joseph Kabila has claimed that the “fire in the East is only embers”, the news of continuing unrest has reached the ears of refugees, and they are not ready to come back to a region where lives and livelihoods are still at risk.  Another sad aspect of the entire affair is that the Tanzanian government is starting to use coercive methods to “encourage” Congolese refugees in their country to repatriate.

In general, the recent increase in the activity of certain non-state armed groups is very disheartening.  Many of these armed groups, including so-called “local defense leagues”, continue to commit acts of sexual violence and paralyze the economy through extortion and larceny.  Their behavior mirrors the well-documented human rights abuses of the FARDC, many of whom were formerly members of rebel groups themselves.  There is nothing that “new” about these groups; the non-state armed groups, such as the various “Mai Mai” movements, have existed for over 10 years in eastern Congo.  However, possibly the most disturbing aspect about the actions of these non-state armed groups is the excuse that their violent behavior is but a means of political expression, communicating through robbery and rape their dissatisfaction with the Congolese government.  No roads?  No hospitals?  No jobs?  Rape women!  That will get Kabila’s attention!

The current pre-election conditions in Uvira/Fizi are indicative of a number of Congolese problems: the lack of faith in elections and the political system, the continuing impunity of armed groups, the lack of effective security resources, the staggering injustices resulting from deep-seated gender inequality, and the use of violence as a means of political expression.

As the election date grows closer, we hold our breath.  There is not much hope that the outcome of the election will necessarily signal a change for improvements in the Congolese political system, no matter who gets elected, but one wishes that the “Fire in the East” would be extinguished instead of downplayed and ignored.

Binwa

Binwa

Binwa is 40 years old and has 5 children. In 2010-2011, she spent three months the SOS FED center in Mboko. Binwa lives in Quartier II, a neighborhood in Mboko. She is a survivor of sexual violence. I interviewed Binwa at her home in Mboko, on a beautiful September evening. Unfortunately, her husband could not be present, as he was at the hospital looking after a sick child.

Binwa had been raped by armed men while alone in her fields. When her husband’s family found out about the incident, they counseled Binwa’s husband to leave her, as she had “become the wife of another man in the forest”. Binwa’s husband heeded his family’s advice, and forced her to leave their home. Binwa attempted to explain to her husband that she had been raped and therefore the incident was not her fault, but to no avail. Binwa resided for several months at the home of a neighbor, and then went to the SOS FED center in Mboko to receive psychosocial and socioeconomic assistance.

Wilondja Lubunga, the SOS FED Mboko reintegration officer, met with Binwa’s husband three times while she was at the center; two of these times, Wilondja was accompanied by the mwami (traditional chief) of Mboko Quartier II. Wilondja and the mwami counseled the husband to reunite with his wife, explaining that the woman was not at fault for her rape and that her value as a wife, mother, and human being was not diminished by her violation. At first, said Wilondja, he heard some very “bizarre” commentary during the sessions with the husband, but he said that after 3 sessions he was able to break through and convince the husband that he needed to re-accept his wife and not blame her for the rape.

At the date on which Binwa was to be reintegrated, her husband arrived at the SOS FED center in Mboko to be reunited with her and to bring her home. The mwami was also present at the reunification.

While Binwa is happily reunited with her husband and children, she does not speak anymore with her husband’s family. Binwa also said that she is not harassed or impugned by other members of her community anymore, thanks to interventions from the mwami.

Binwa continues with communal cultivation with two of her neighbors, neither of which are former SOS FED beneficiaries. Binwa said that she has informed many of her neighbors and friends about the risk-reduction methods she learned at the SOS FED center. She still remains in contact with several of her fellow SOS FED beneficiaries.

With the income she earned from participating in group cultivation at the SOS FED center, Binwa paid for school fees for her children and for food for the household. According to Binwa, she is “very happy” to be reunited with her husband.

“I am able to live as I did before,” said Binwa.

For survivors, the experience of sexual violence causes painful and often chronic physical problems, including (but not limited to) STDs, fistulas, irregular bleeding, and chronic abdominal pain.  However, perhaps an even more distressing outcome of rape in the Congo is the social stigmatization that survivors of sexual violence endure at the hands of their families and communities.  Attitudes towards survivors of sexual violence are quite indicative of the second-class status of women in Congolese society, particularly in underdeveloped, rural areas such as Fizi Territory.

After having suffered from an act of sexual violence, oftentimes a survivor will be banished from her family and derided by her community.  The husband of a survivor may expel her from the home, leaving her without support, kinship, or protection.  A survivor will be labeled (quite erroneously) as the “wife of the soldiers” or a “prostitute”, and openly mocked or shunned.  Thus, the post-rape social ramifications in Fizi Territory are devastating for survivors, especially in a society that places a premium on social interaction.  The shame and rejection may prevent a survivor from participating in income-generating activities (agriculture, commerce), and oftentimes will prevent her from seeking assistance.

SOS FED staff work very hard at encouraging survivors to come to SOS FED for assistance, and work with civil, traditional, and religious authorities to find survivors in the area who need assistance.  Once a survivor has entered a SOS FED center, she can receive group therapy and individual counseling sessions, as well as participate in group income-generating activities that also teach risk-reduction behavior.

However, what happens to a woman once she has completed the 3-month course of assistance provided by SOS FED?  Will she be re-accepted by her family and/or community?  The reintegration process, implemented in 2011, addresses this question.  Each SOS FED center has a male reintegration officer, who acts as an advocate for reintegrating beneficiaries.  Thus far, SOS FED has 3 reintegration officers: Luandja Eca Ricardo (Kikonde), M’Munga Selemane (Kazimia), and Lubunga Wilondja (Mboko).

The reintegration officer is tasked with breaking down the misconceptions about survivors of sexual violence within Congolese society, at least to the point where a survivor is able to rejoin her family and resume her life.  The reintegration meets with the family, in particular the husband, of the soon-to-be reintegrated beneficiary.  The reintegration officer educates the family on the rights of survivors of sexual violence, breaks down the myth that the survivor is to blame for the rape, and tries to convince them to re-accept the survivor back into the family.

The reintegration officer works very closely with the mwami to achieve these goals.  The mwami is a traditional position of authority, also known as the chef coutumiere.  The mwami/chef coutumiere is a hereditary position, passed down from father to son.  A mwami may have a constituency ranging from a village, a quartier, or an entire town.  While having no civil or state authority, traditional authorities are still regarded as important figures in Congolese society.  Ordinary citizens often consult a mwami for counsel on important decisions, the resolution of disputes, or just for simple advice.  State authorities often have to work with the cooperation of the mwami in order to carry out state business.

As a person of authority who is respected by the community, the counsel of a mwami can go a long way in assisting with the integration process.  Before beginning reintegration efforts in a village/town, SOS FED reintegration officers have several meetings with the local mwami to educate them on the principles of reintegration and to gain their support and trust for the reintegration process.  Including the mwami in the reintegration process also helps educate the community at large about the rights of survivors of sexual violence.

SOS FED reintegration officers accompany reintegrating women, often over great distances, to their home villages.  Reintegrating beneficiaries are encouraged to continue the risk-reduction activities they learned at the SOS FED center, as well as disseminate this information among their friends and neighbors.

The success of the reintegration process is quite evident.  According to all three reintegration officers, there has only been one case where a woman was abandoned by her husband after reintegration was carried out.  As of the end of the month of September, 21 beneficiaries have been reintegrated from Kikonde/Kazimia, and 19 beneficiaries have been reintegrated from Mboko.

My next few blog entries will be profiles of several people from in/near Mboko who are involved in the reintegration process: 2 former SOS FED beneficiaries and 2 mwami working closely with SOS FED.

SOS FED beneficiary in Mboko

SOS FED beneficiary in Mboko

On Tuesday, August 30, I attended the monthly meeting of the Uvira CTLVS (Comite Territoriale de la Lutte contre la Violence Sexuelle). The meeting broke down into the usual litany of complaints about lack of cooperation and initiative, since none of the member organizations in the CTLVS seem to want to work together or share their information with the CTLVS focal points.

At this particular CTLVS meeting, a captain from the FARDC showed up, wearing a crisp green uniform with polished epaulettes and gold braids. This captain was a magistrate, a member of the military justice division (“Auditoirat”) of the FARDC. Most recently, the FARDC military justice wing played a crucial role in convicting Col. Kibibi and his men for the January 1st mass rape in Fizi Centre. Every month, a number of cases are heard at the military court in Uvira, mostly stemming from incidents occurring close to Uvira town. However, in more remote, though well-documented, incidents in Uvira/Fizi (Kikozi, Nyakiele), FARDC military justice has been rather slow in even bringing the accused to trial.

I decided to ask the FARDC magistrate about his job and the history of the Auditoirat. He told me that the military justice wing had existed since 2003, when the modern incarnation of the Congolese military was created; their mandate is to investigate/redress wrongs committed by members of the military, as well as teach discipline and good behavior to the troops. In this part of South Kivu, the central Auditoriat based in Uvira is charged with military justice for the territories of Uvira, Fizi, Mwenga, and Shabunda. All cases are heard before the tribunal in Uvira before a panel of military judges; the magistrate himself serves as a prosecutor/investigator. The parquet performs investigations of infractions, prepares the legal dossiers, and presents the cases before the military tribunal. In June, a permanent military parquet opened in the town of Baraka in Fizi Territory, where several months prior a mobile military court (Audience foraine) had handed down Col. Kibibi’s conviction and sentence. Aside from the parquet in Uvira and the secondary parquet in Baraka, there are only “inspectors” present in Misisi, Kametuga, and Shabunda Centre, making the coverage of military justice fairly poor for a very large area (4 of the biggest territories in South Kivu).

I asked the magistrate if he felt that the FARDC today was a more disciplined body than it was eight years ago; his answer was an emphatic “yes”. I asked if FARDC troops cooperated with him in terms of carrying out justice and promoting good behavior within the ranks. Again, he said yes, but then he qualified his statement by saying “in any family, there is never a lack of disobedient children”.

I brought up the case of Col. Kifaru and his defected men, the alleged perpetrators of the mass rape case in Nyakiele in June, who have since been re-absorbed by the FARDC. At this point, our conversation ground to a halt. When I asked at what stage the Auditoirat was in investigating the strong allegations of rape against Col. Kifaru and his men, the magistrate became vague and elusive.

“We are still investigating,” was all he would say.

When I delicately probed further for details, the magistrate refused to divulge any more information, citing “professional secrets”. Maybe commenting on an ongoing investigation would have been a bit out of line for a magistrate, but all promises of “carrying out justice” disappeared once Nyakiele was brought up. Later, one of my CTLVS contacts told me that since the Congolese government’s stance on Nyakiele is rather clear (“ignore/discredit”), the Auditoirat probably will have no support in bringing the perpetrators to justice.

This kind of foot-dragging has also characterized the response to the Kikozi incident; investigations by the Auditoirat and MONUSCO have identified the commanding officer responsible for the unit implicated in the March mass rape (Major Shaka Nyamusalaba), but despite numerous calls from local NGOs to bring Maj. Shaka to Uvira for trial, no such action has been taken.

At the end of our conversation, the magistrate cordially invited me to attend the military tribunal in Uvira proper later in the week. I am planning on taking up his offer, so stay tuned for more.

A few months ago, I wrote a couple blogs about SOS FED’s participation in a UNFPA data-mapping project underway in the Kivus. SOS FED center staff have been filling out a 3-page survey with information on each survivor of sexual violence that the center receives. This data collection is being facilitated in Uvira and Fizi Territories by Arche d’Alliance. A fortunate side-effect of participation in this project is that SOS FED and Arche have been working closer together than ever before.

This past week, I had the opportunity to visit the UNFPA office in Bukavu, the provincial capital of Sud Kivu. The Bukavu UNFPA offices compiles and processes all of the data collected in Sud Kivu in the 8 territories: Kalehe, Mwenga, Idjwi, Shabunda, Walungu, Kabare, Uvira, and Fizi.

The UNFPA Sud Kivu office just released a report on the data it has collected for the first trimester of 2011 (January-April), and the data coming out of Fizi Territory is less than encouraging. In the first trimester of 2011, 118 rape cases were recorded by the UNFPA partners in Fizi, making it the territory with the second highest rate of sexual violence in the province. First place for the first 2011 trimester went to Mwenga Territory, which recorded 185 cases.

Over half of the recorded cases in the first trimester of 2011 in Fizi Territory belonged to the infamous January 1st mass rape in Fizi Centre, committed by FARDC troops under the command of Col. Kibibi. For their role in this incident, Col. Kibibi and several of his men were convicted and sentenced to prison terms by a Congolese military tribunal. Despite the isolated magnitude of the January 1st event, the sexual violence trends for the first trimester continue to be worrisome. It will be interesting to see the data for the next trimester, especially in light of the Nyakiele mass rape in June.

UN convoy on the road from Baraka to Uvira

UN convoy on the road from Baraka to Uvira

Field projects focusing on stabilization on the part of UNFPA and other UN organizations remain limited in Fizi Territory.

“L’axe est trop chaud.” Dr. Aziza told us.

The security situation in Fizi is obviously precarious, with a multitude of non-state armed groups still operating with impunity. Until the security situation is improved, UNFPA and other organizations such as UNICEF remain outside of Fizi Territory.

I have also found out a few interesting facts about STAREC: out of its $200 million dollar budget, only $5 million is dedicated to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) issues. Out of the $5 million, $500,000 is being used for the data-mapping project in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri, of which the South Kivu base received $200,000. This may seem like quite a bit of money, but for a project of its scope in a space as large as South Kivu, it may not be quite enough. In addition, the data-mapping project ends in 2012; while the UNFPA staff in Bukavu is counting on an extension with assistance from the Canadian government, this type of project needs broader support in order to continue in a relevant manner.

One source of much-needed support for the data-mapping project is from the Congolese government and from local Congolese partners. The UNFPA uses the CTLVS (Comité Territoriale de la Lutte contre la Violence Sexuelle) as a focal point for collecting its information in Sud Kivu. The CTLVS is a government initiative to coordinate and orient the various organizations working on sexual violence issues throughout the country. However, it is clear that the CTLVS has not quite yet found its place in the grand scheme of the things, and many local organizations in Uvira and Fizi do not engage with the CTLVS or with each other.

Dr. Aziza emphasized that synergy, cooperation, and coordination are essential for local organizations working in the Congo. Indeed, if things like the UNFPA data-mapping project and the CTLVS are to be effective and relevant, all the actors in the zone must work together.

The conflict, and its effects on civilians, is not quite abating in Fizi Territory.

The village of Mboko is situated about halfway down on the road between Uvira and Baraka. Mboko is sandwiched between Lake Tangayika, immediately to the east, and the mountains of the Moyen Plateau, which rise up to the west. The area of the Moyen/Haut Plateau to the west of Mboko is infested with armed groups, most notably Mai Mai militias, the FDLR, and Burundian FNL rebels.

SOS FED has one center in Mboko, providing services to survivors of sexual violence. The Mboko center has seen some rough days, especially when the surrounding area was a battleground between the Congolese military and various non-state armed groups in the mid-late 2000s. The Mboko center staff had noted that starting in end of 2010, the situation around Mboko was relatively calm due to FARDC actions that pushed the zone-of-combat away from the main road. However, that is now starting to change.

On August 3rd, armed men stopped and robbed 2 vehicles in the village of Ilila, about 15 minutes north of Mboko. In the incident, 7 women were raped; these women went to the MSF hospital in Baraka. There is no official confirmation as to the affiliation of the armed perpetrators, but the word around the area is that these men belong to a Mai Mai militia based in the Moyen Plateau just above the area.

On August 15, armed men (again, presumed Mai Mai) attacked civilians working in their fields near the village of Senza, just south of Mboko. About 13 women reported being raped in the attacks. SOS FED Mboko center manager Mariamu Bashishibe tells me she and her staff are making all effort to reach the survivors and provide them with assistance. In addition, several NGOs in the area, along with local authorities, are working together to help those who have fallen victim to these attacks.

In the month of August, the SOS FED center in Mboko has received two women from a village near Ilila that were attacked and raped in their homes by presumed Mai Mai assailants.

There are many more reports of attacks in the area, with rumors of alarmingly high numbers of rapes, but I am waiting for confirmation from several sources before I report on these other incidents. Please stay tuned for more in the coming weeks.

In general, it appears as though attacks on civilians on the Uvira-Baraka road are starting to pick up, particularly close to Mboko. According to people I spoke with in Mboko, the Mai Mai have successfully infiltrated the villages and seem to raid at will. What is the possible reason for this escalation in rape, pillage, and violence? The Mboko center staff connects the escalation to the general reduction of FARDC troops in the area since the braçage process started earlier this year for units based in Mboko. Earlier this year, the Mboko-area FARDC units went into braçage for training/re-equipment/re-organization. However, their units have returned back to Mboko in fewer numbers than before. While the reduction of total troop numbers in the Kivus is a positive change, especially considering the massive amount of human rights violations committed by the FARDC, the continued presence of armed groups such as the Mai Mai, FDLR, and FNL means that civilians will continue to suffer as non-state armed elements simply move into areas left empty by the FARDC.

The confused FARDC presence, paired with an almost total lack of effective MONUSCO troop presence in Fizi Territory, is making things rather easy for armed groups that wish to prey upon the civilian population. While the rest of Congo is supposed to be moving forward in terms of peace, security, and stability, Fizi Territory remains stuck.

Child with fish in Fizi Territory

Child with fish in Fizi Territory

Last month I reported on an attack on the village of Nyakiele by soldiers loyal to the ex-PARECO deserter Col. Kifaru.  Here are more details about the incident:

The official count of women that were raped in this incident stands at 163, from the three villages of Nyakiele, Kanguli, and Abala, north of Fizi Centre.  Numerous groups, from Arche d’Alliance to CCAP to MSF, have arrived to provide assistance to survivors.  However, according to some of my sources who have made several visits to Nyakiele since the incident, the humanitarian situation in the Nyakiele-Kanguli-Abala area is generally appalling and will require a lot more than just emergency aid.

Arche d’Alliance has reported that 72 households in the tri-village area have been “broken” due to the mass rape.  That is to say, the survivor in the family has been ostracized by her husband and banned from the marriage bed and possibly the household itself.  This demonstrates the far-reaching social consequences of sexual violence in the Congo.  At the moment, a team from CCAP is present in the area working on family mediation and reconciliation.

On July 7^th, Col. Kifaru and around 200 of his troops arrived at the bracage center in Luberizi (in the Ruzizi Plain, in Uvira Territory) and have been there ever since.  They have refused to give up their arms, and so far no action has been taken against them.  According to a source very close to the investigation, the Congolese government has no interest in arresting or prosecuting Col. Kifaru, as they think it will mean an end to credibility of the bracage process and reconciliation with rebel groups.  In what is possibly part of a strategy to discredit the survivors, word is floating around the Congolese government that the mass rape incident in/around Nyakiele was either grossly exaggerated or invented entirely by aid groups and NGOs in order to get more funding.

And so, Quo Vadis, Domine?

Children in field near Mboko

Children in field near Mboko

In my previous blog entry, I reported about an ongoing situation in and around the village of Nyakiele, where defected FARDC soldiers loyal to Col. Kifaru Niragiye are terrorizing the local population, with many cases of mass rape and pillage. Col. Kifaru was a leader in the PARECO rebel movement, which recently made a deal with the Congolese government and integrated its forces into the Congolese military. Col. Kifaru and his soldiers left the braçage center in Kananda on June 9 to protest changes in the local command structure. Nyakiele is located in the Moyen Plateau of Fizi Territory, close to the territorial capital Fizi Centre.

Last night I spoke to a MONUSCO official who is directly involved in the investigation of this incident.  The MONUSCO official told me that a Joint Assessment Team was sent to Nyakiele on June 25.  This assessment team, comprised of members of MONUSCO, OCHA, UNHCR, and local NGO partners, spoke with survivors, health officials, and local authorities. According to health officials in Nyakiele, the number of women who have reported being raped by Col. Kifaru’s troops now stands at 121.

Official reports state that Col. Kifaru left the bracage center in Kananda with about 170 of his soldiers in tow. However, the population in Nyakiele is reporting that there are closer to 300 troops in the area. Whether Col. Kifaru has reunited with other ex-PARECO elements or whether he is collaborating with other elements remains to be seen.

Next steps: MONUSCO is planning on sending a Joint Protection Team to Nyakiele to protect the population from further aggression. I have not yet heard whether the Congolese military is planning any action against Col. Kifaru’s troops.

The level of brutality that this particular area of Fizi Territory is experiencing is astounding. Even more mind-boggling is how the realpolitik of Congo has allowed for such a situation: a former rebel group that terrorized the Kivus in the mid-2000s makes a deal with the Congolese government and integrates itself into the state military, as the resources (and dare I say willpower?) of the Congolese government and the African/international community were lacking to properly eradicate the threat and ensure the safety of the civilian population.

Now, the people of Fizi, particularly the women, are paying the price of this experiment gone awry. Granted, not ALL of the FARDC soldiers currently in bracage have defected and gone on a rape spree, but my hope in the entire process of integrating rebel groups is considerably diminished because of the events of late. The toll that the civilian population paid during Kimya II and Amani Leo (Congolese military operations in 2009-2010) is well-documented; as armed groups, state-sanctioned, rebels, defectors, militia, and all, continue to operate in the Kivus, the war on women’s bodies will continue.

Is there an easy answer? No. The guns are already here, and there are men who already know they can serve their own desires by oppressing the weak and vulnerable. The FDLR still has to be driven out or brought to justice somehow, and that still requires military action and possibly some change in political thinking among Congo’s neighbors. A cold and cynical analysis of the situation might conclude that these blatant and widespread human rights abuses are but “collateral damage” in bringing stability to the Congo after years of open war. However, I am still not convinced that the women of Fizi deserve to suffer in order to achieve “stability”.

More reports on security incidents occurring this month:

June 4: Monitors reported that the FDLR raped 15 women in Makungu

June 11: Former FARDC soldiers loyal to Col. Kifaru (an ex-PARECO commander) have been ravaging the area around the village of Nakiele. According to Arche, there have been 68 documented cases of rape in the area from these soldiers.

To recap what I stated in my previous blog entry, a lot of the integrated FARDC units that used to belong to rebel movements (such as PARECO) are not happy with the whole bracage/mixage process, and thus quite a few have deserted and gone back to running wild in the bush. So, bracage has not been the grand success that everyone had planned.

Due to combat between the FARDC and the FDLR/Mai Mai, there have been more refugee movements in Fizi Territory, such as from the area around Lukungu towards places like Mboko and Swima. At an OCHA meeting in Baraka on Friday, the HCR security liaison gave strict orders to all NGO workers to avoid certain areas of Fizi (particularly between Fizi Centre and Lulimba) and to observe precautions in more secure districts.

In addition, this past week soldiers from Mai Mai Yakutumba stopped a commercial boat on Lake Tanganyika near Talama and demanded $15,000 from the crew and passengers. When the boat could not cough up enough cash, the Mai Mai made the boat go ashore at Talama. There is a lot of lake traffic up and down Tanganyika, since it is a convenient way to get from places like Uvira down to Baraka, Kalemie, Kazimia, or even as far as Zambia. However, it seems that more and more the rebels and militia are figuring out how to go naval, thus further disrupting economic activity in the region.

Attacks on civilians may be picking up again in this part of South Kivu. There have been 3 major events since the beginning of the month:

-On May 10, around midnight, a group of armed men attacked the village of Matale, in the Moyen Plateau of Uvira Territory. The group of armed men locked all the men into one house and all the women into another house, and then proceeded to loot the town. After looting, the armed men picked out five women and raped them. The identity of these armed men is unknown, although it is strongly suspected that they are FARDC, since there is a contingent of FARDC moving through that area of the Moyen Plateau at the moment. The next day, the female survivors of the attack made their way to the Centre de Santé (Health Center) in Ndagereka. Arche d’Alliance sent a monitor up to Matale to do a preliminary investigation, but he was held up by bandits on his way back. Fortunately, he was not hurt, but Arche is not sending anyone else to Matale until they are sure of the security situation. No word on whether MONUSCO will be opening up an investigation or not.

-On May 12, a group of 13 people leaving the market in Nemba, Fizi Territory, were ambushed by a group of 34 FDLR. The ambushed civilians were relieved of their belongings and money, and then were tortured and mutilated to various degrees. The details of the mutilations and tortures as provided by initial reports are fairly gruesome, and I won’t be reporting them here until I am more sure of the details.

-On April 30, an FDLR unit attacked the village of Kikonde (yes, where SOS FED has a center), Fizi Territory. Seven shops were robbed and one merchant was wounded by gunfire. The FDLR has a jungle base near Ngandja, and their forays into Kikonde were made easier by the fact that there is no longer a FARDC unit stationed there; the Amani Leo unit that was in Kikonde left in February for reorganization and training. Ironically, despite the fact that the Amani Leo brigades are still greatly resented by the civilian population, their presence could have prevented such an attack. The Amani Leo brigades are still in braçage closer to the bigger towns of Fizi, and rumor has it they are not too keen on heading back into the bush to fight the FDLR.

The good news is that the SOS FED center in Kikonde was not affected by the attack; the SOS FED staff and beneficiaries in Kikonde are safe and sound. However, this attack and the robbery of the Arche monitor in Matale are brutal reminders of the dangers facing the civilian population of South Kivu, and in particular the high-risk environment for defenders of human rights.

SOS FED beneficiary in a manioc field near Mboko

SOS FED beneficiary in a manioc field near Mboko