Thank you Igo, for welcoming me into your organization and allowing me to share in your work this summer.  You have truly inspired me.

Thank you Nicole, for teaching me to pronounce faleminderit and making me laugh when I needed it the most.

Thank you Alba, for sharing your love of music with me.

Thank you Besa, for your constant kindness.

Thank you Adelina, for your openness, honesty and compassion.

Thank you Dafina and Zana, for your friendship. I miss you both already!

Thank you readers, for sharing in this experience with me. I hope that together, we can dispel the misconceptions that so many hold about Kosovo.

And, last but not least, thank you Kosovo, for the experience of a lifetime.

Recently, the Kosovo Women’s Network hosted 15 members of German civil society as part of German-run workshop entitled “Civil Society in Kosovo.” The group consisted of a vast array of professionals, including journalists, teachers, psychologists, sociologists and an electrical engineer. One gentleman even identified himself as a grandfather. All spoke of their interactions with refugees and immigrants from the former Yugoslavia and Kosovo in particular as the inspiration for their trip to the newborn country.

Members of German civil society visit KWN

In particular, the group was interested in the activities of civil society in Kosovo both during and after the war. The Kosovo Women’s Network’s Executive Director Igo Rogova spoke inspirationally on the strength and spirit of Kosovar civil society during this period.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=IfHdtxkUCAg

Incredibly, members of Kosovar civil society, including the Kosovo Women’s Network, recognized the reality of the situation of Kosovo immediately after the war. While they needed time to heal, the importance of reconciliation between ethnic groups was never forgotten. That is why, from the very beginning, the Kosovo Women’s Network implemented a policy of inclusion. For example, even before the network had any Serbian member organizations, funds were used to translate documents into the Serbian language. Soon after, Kosovo-Serbs began reaching out to the Kosovo Women’s Network for help in launching their own organizations. Recently, 15 Kosovo-Serb women’s organizations banded together to form the Kosovo Serb Women’s Network and have joined the Kosovo Women’s Network.

The workshop resulted not only in the dissemination of information about the activities of the Kosovo Women’s Network but in the forging of new relationships. Many members of the group came with questions on how to aid the Kosovar refugees and immigrants they worked with and befriended and left with the contact information of KWN member organizations.  The group was encouraged to contact the Kosovo Women’s Network and its members in the future to maintain the newly established ties.

These days in the Balkans, visas are all anyone seems to be talking about. Specifically, the European Union’s new policy on visa-free travel from the region has galvanized the population, as passport holders from Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia are to be exempt from visa entrance requirements to EU-countries by the end of the year.

Noticeably excluded from the visa liberalization process are the nations of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. However, while European officials stated that Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina will join Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia in visa free travel by the end of 2010, no timeline for Kosovo’s inclusion has been given.

Officially, the aforementioned countries have been denied visa liberalization due to their failure to meet criteria established by the EU, such as the introduction of biometric passports, membership in Europol, and measures against corruption, including organized crime. Unofficially, many in Kosovo believe that politics has played a significant role in the EU’s decision to bypass visa liberalization in Kosovo.  

While five EU-members have not recognized Kosovo’s independence, many Kosovars believe that this is not what is hindering visa liberalization in Kosovo; rather, they believe the driving impetus is prejudice. Many within Europe view Kosovo as a lawless nation, run by organized crime and characterized by a black market in drugs, organs and sex slaves. They are worried, many Kosovars argue, that visa liberalization will cause a mass exodus from Kosovo, bringing these problems with it.

But what exactly does this mean for ordinary Kosovars?

For many, visa liberalization is viewed as a crucial step on the path towards integration into the EU. Failing to keep up with their neighbors in this respect will result in the continuing and even increasing global isolation of the citizens of Kosovo.

And many are not willing to accept this.

For example, Forum 2015 (www.forumi2015.org), a local-based think tank, organized a debate, entitled “To Live in the Ghetto.” Here, experts compared the isolation of Kosovo to that of Afghanistan, saying that Kosovars can only travel to four nations without acquiring a visa (Albania, Montenegro, Macedonia and Turkey), while Afghans can travel to twenty nations without a visa. Again, the belief that Kosovo was denied visa liberalization due to political rather than technical reasons was expressed.

The Kosovo Women’s Network, as part of the Regional Women’s Lobby for Peace, Security and Justice in Southeastern Europe, has issued a call to the EU to include Kosovo in it’s policy of visa liberalization in the Balkans.

They stated, in part, “We are: United to contribute to overcoming the consequences of wars and bringing together the people of this part of the Balkans, despite the fact that in our environment there are women who have lost loved members of families, even half of their families; Committed to supporting reconciliation between the people of this part of the Balkans for the sake of creating a future equal, without discrimination, for all peoples of the Western Balkans and the entire region of Southeast Europe; Welcoming the decision of the European Commission to liberalize the visa regime for  Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro, while at the same time surprised at the  serious and discriminatory decisions of the EU to leave Kosovo, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina on the “black list;” and, Surprised that, despite the fact that we were already once victims of war, we are now  faced with the ghettoization of our countries, especially since the European Union has established its mission in Kosovo and also has a presence in Albania and in Bosnia and Herzegovina and is in a position to observe all the progress achieved.

The Blind Women’s Committee of Kosovo has existed since 1948. Its mission is to advocate for the emancipation of blind women in Kosovo and their full integration into Kosovar society. It is one that the Blind Women’s Committee is dedicated to, even in the face of war. Forced out of their office during the conflict, the members of the Blind Women’s Committee carried out their work from private homes, never wavering in their commitment.

Now, the Blind Women’s Committee faces an equally devastating challenge - a lack of funding.

The Blind Women’s Committee’s office is bare, with just one room and a long table with chairs. There is just one computer in the whole office, a donation from the Kosovo Women’s Network. Staff members come to the office every day, even though they currently have no project to work on. But that will not continue for much longer, as the rent is only paid for until the end of July.

The few projects the Blind Women’s Committee has implemented, including blind training (such as mobility training and teaching Braille) have been very successful. So why can’t they find donors? They have even repeatedly requested support from the government of Kosovo without receiving even one reply.

Watch the video below to hear Bajramshahe Jetullahu, the Executive Director of the Blind Women’s Committee of Kosovo, speak about possible reasons behind this lack of funding.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=wdBVxJewO-Q

And what will Bajramshahe do when she can no longer go to her office and work? She will position her table in front of government buildings in Pristina and work from there! She will not abandon her mission to protect the rights of blind women in Kosovo.

I recently visited the Visoki Decani monastery of the Serbian Orthodox church, located just outside the city of Peja/Pec (in Kosovo, names of places are given in both Albanian and Serbian). Serbian King Stefan Uros III, whose son went on to build the Serbian Empire that existed from 1346 through 1371, erected the monastery in the fourteenth century. Stefan was canonized in 1339 and his body enshrined in the monastery he built (although his mausoleum is not usually open to the public, I happened to visit at the same time as an Orthodox priest from Romania and so was able to kiss his hand).

Tomb of Saint Stefan, a former Serbian king.

The monastery is heralded as the largest and best preserved Medieval church in the entire Balkans and, in 2004, was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO (as the UN doesn’t recognize Kosovo’s independence, the site is listed as the “Medieval Monuments in Kosovo” under the country of Serbia – http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/724).

It is also a “hot spot” of tensions between Kosovo and Serbia. For that reason, a force of KFOR troops (from Italy) are stationed there.

So, why is a church known for its frescos and a unique mix of styles of architecture (including Romanesque, Gothic and Byzantine – I studied art history) in need of protection by NATO troops?

Frescos in the Visoki Decani monastery.

The answer, as some in Kosovo say, is that the church is being used as political propaganda. The government of Serbia considers Visoki Decani monastery as the cradle of Serbian Orthodoxy and, as Orthodox Christianity is at the heart of the Serbian ethnic identity, the cradle of Serbian civilization as well.  In short, the Vikoski Decani monastery forms the basis for the “Kosovo is Serbia” argument.

Consider Serbian President Boris Tadic’s message delivered during his trip to the Visoki Decani monastery this past April. He stated, “My message today in Visoki Decani is a message of peace, peace for the Serbs, peace for the Albanians and all those who live in Kosovo, in our Serbia.”

(It is interesting to note that President Tadic required permission to visit the Visoki Decani monastery. Of course, he refused to submit a request to the government of Kosovo, as that would be seen as recognition of its legitimacy. Instead, he operated through intermediaries in the European Union, who in turn encouraged Kosovo to grant him authorization to enter the country.)

Tadic’s so-called message of peace continues to ignore the political will of the Albanian majority in Kosovo and the reality of an independent Kosovo. It is therefore not altogether surprising that the monastery has been subject to violent attacks, the most recent of which occurred in March 2007.

But in 1995, genocide occurred once again (and not for the first time since the Shoah), this time while the international community and a United Nations peacekeeping force watched.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) describes the war that ravaged Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995 as the deadliest of all the conflicts that surrounded the breakup of Yugoslavia. During the conflict, persons of all ethnicities were subject to atrocities committed by all sides struggling for power. However, the Srebrenica Genocide stands out not only as a symbol of the failure (others say betrayal) of the international community, but of humanity as well.

(The Srebrenica Genocide is also called the Srebrenica Massacre. However, I will continue to refer to the events as the Srebrenica Genocide, because I believe in the power of words. For me at least, substituting the word “massacre” for “genocide” only minimizes the events that occurred there, allowing revisionists to deny the truth.)

The circumstances of the war in Bosnia that ultimately led to the Srebrenica Genocide are exceedingly complex and difficult to decipher. In 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina declared its independence from Yugolsavia. Serbia responded with military action and, mobilizing the Bosnian Serb community, occupied 70% of the country by April of that year. In its attempt to solidify “Greater Serbia,” Serb forces targeted Bosniaks, or Bosnian Muslims. Soon, Bosnian Croats turned on their Muslim neighbors and the conflict becomes three-sided.

In 1993, with the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 819, Srebrenica was officially declared a “safe area” for civilians. However, this did not stop Serb aggression. Humanitarian aid was prevented from reaching the enclave and in 1995, forces began laying siege upon Srebrenica. Bosniaks fled to the UN base at Potocari for protection, where they found none. Witnesses describe the Dutch peacekeeping force stationed there as at best, allowing Serb forces to “slaughter them,” and at worst, helping them to do so. Survivors are even suing the Dutch government and the UN for failing to protect them (For more information on the actions of the Dutchbat at Srebrenica and the lawsuit of victims, see http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2007/06/un-dutch-cowards-on-trial-analysis.html). Ultimately, 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were murdered and many Bosniak women brutally raped.

On the 14^th anniversary of the Srebrenica Genocide, once again, the world cries out, this time “Never Forget!”

"Never Forget"

I had intended on attending the Peace March and the commemorative events with my fellow Advocacy Project Fellows Alison and Kelsey of Bosfam and Simran and Donna of Women and Black. However, due to political reasons, I am not permitted to travel through Serbia, which is necessary for me to get to Bosnia. Instead, I took the opportunity to speak with women here in Kosovo on the Srebrenica Genocide.

This is what they had to say:

www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hqRpbaNtlU

Abbas stated, “I am counting on you, Mr. President [Boris Tadic], to continue supporting efforts to reach a solution in the Middle East through talks with Israel that will enable Israel and Palestine to live side-by-side and cooperate as neighbors.” He then addressed the status of Kosovo, saying “The Kosovo issue is before the International Court [of Justice] and I believe that that is the right way to resolve every problem. That is our stance.”

Mahmoud Abbas

On the part of Serbia, Prime Minister Mirko Cvetkovic issued a statement thanking President Abbas for “the support he extends Serbia in preserving its territorial integrity and sovereignty.” President Tadic even announced plans for a scholarship initiative for Palestinian students.

I have to admit, this initially confused me. Past experience caused me to (wrongly) assume that Palestine would see the similarities in their situation to that of Kosovo and politically align with the newborn country.

For example, during my time in Ireland, I had the opportunity to study the history of Northern Ireland and eventually visit Belfast. Northern Ireland is home to The Troubles, where the population is divided along political and religious lines, resulting in a LONG history of violence (read Tim Pat Coogan’s “The Troubles” for a historical overview of the situation in Northern Ireland). They see their situation mirrored in the Middle East and have chosen sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Republicans (who are mainly Catholic, and want a unified and independent Ireland) support the Palestinians, while the Unionists (who are mainly Protestant, and want to maintain their ties with the United Kingdom) support the Israelis. This is most clearly demonstrated in the political murals that are found throughout the city, such as the one below.

Pro-Palestine Republican mural in Belfast

(The writing in the mural to the left says “Palestine…The largest concentration camp in the world!!! 3.3 million innocent people tortured, denied their freedom!” The Arabic writing in the mural to the right is a translation of a Republican slogan, Tiocfaidh ár Lá or “our day will come.”)

Then, it dawned on me. I may not be a politician, but Abbas sure is.

Cultivating ties with Serbia is brilliant political maneuvering. Serbia is closely allied with Russia, Syria and Egypt, all major world players. Maintaining and strengthening good relations with these three nations will result in an increase in actual support for the Palestinian cause on the international stage.  Serbia and Russia regard Kosovo’s declaration of independence illegal, and while other Middle Eastern nations have recognized the government of Kosovo (the most recent being Jordan), Egypt and Syria are not among them. In fact, Egypt even prevented a delegation of Kosovar officials from participating in the 2008 Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) that was held in Cairo.

Of course, some in Kosovo have suggested that Palestinians are just jealous.

When I arrived, Valire warmly embraced me.  For the next hour, and through the use of a (wonderful) translator who wished not to be identified, we discussed her organization.

In that time, I learned several important facts.

1. Lira’s mission is to promote the integration of women of all ethnicities into the social and cultural activities of Kosovar society.

However, their approach is a unique one.

Lira’s preferred medium of social integration is MUSIC. Their projects have included the creation of a traveling multi-ethnic women’s choir, the establishment of a multi-ethnic community arts center for women and children in Pristina, and the staging of concerts.  And what kind of music does Lira think has the power to bring diverse groups of women together? Check out the video below to find out!

www.youtube.com/watch?v=-JrlifYNq2k

2. Nearly a decade of experience is not enough! Even though Lira was established in 2000 (with the original goal of alleviating the trauma of war among all women), the organization is still struggling to build its institutional capacity. Finding funding is not easy, especially in Kosovo. To hear about Lira’s biggest challenge, and how the organization thinks membership in the Kosovo Women’s Network can help them overcome this particular obstacle, watch the short video below.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=LAKPJrtyY7A

Lastly,

3. The tense political situation between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia is greatly impacting the participation of Kosovar Serbs in Kosovar society.  

Serbian officials exert significant influence over the Serbian minority still residing in Kosovo (and, some even suggest, over international institutions such as UNMIK and Eulex - see the picture of graffiti that is recreated all over Kosovo and it’s capital city).

Variations of this graffiti appear all over Kosovo

Authorities in Serbia have called upon the Serbian minority to abstain from participating in Kosovo’s political, social and cultural institutions. A highly publicized example has been the desertion - and return - of over 300 Serbian police officers to the Kosovo police force. The officers left the force in protest of Kosovo’s declaration of independence last year. However, Serbia’s Minister for Kosovo, Goran Bogdanovic, has publically stated that Serbia is involved in negotiating their return and that they are working on establishing a separate chain of command for Serbian police officers since Serbia and the Serbian minority in Kosovo do not recognize the government of Kosovo as legitimate.

So what does this mean for Lira? To hear their perspective on the involvement of Kosovar-Serb women in their organization and activities, see the video below.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=59_bdW3osZI

Again, I would like to thank Valire and her translator for meeting with me and giving me such excellent points to think about.

So, are you ready for a crash course in NGO management?

First, there is no one definition of a non-governmental organization (I get this question all the time!). The Kosovo Women’s Network defines a non-governmental organization as one that does not support any specific political party and works to serve the society in which it exists based on it’s own particular needs. To this definition, the Kosovo Women’s Network has also included a commitment to non-violence and equality regardless of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation and age. (I subscribe to this particular definition not only because it is the one used by my host organization but also because it reflects my own personal understanding of why we in the field do what we do – for the benefit of the STAKEHOLDERS).

I’m sure those of you who are unfamiliar with NGOs are wondering why ethics, accountability and transparency are necessary for an NGO to be both productive and efficient. As I have hinted to above, NGOs measure their success in a unique way – they look at how their work is meeting the demands of their beneficiaries or target group in particular and society in general. So, if they cannot maintain the support of both, they cannot do their jobs. The way for NGOs to ensure their continued trust and involvement is to be open to them.

But, how are these benchmarks to be achieved, especially in the context of a network of over 80 organizations? To address that issue, the Kosovo Women’s Network developed a code of conduct (also called the Ethical and Accountability Code) in 2006, becoming the first NGO in Kosovo to do so. The code of conduct addresses several main target areas, including mission and program, good governance, human resources, financial transparency and accountability, civic responsibility, and partnership and networking.

KWN's code of conduct

Highlights include: the development of a clearly defined mission with input from stakeholders; annual evaluation of the organization’s activities and their contribution to the achievement of mission objectives; the creation of a comprehensive policy manual by the Executive Board; the establishment of standards of employee behavior, including behavior that contributes to the public image of NGOs; the adoption of written policies regarding conflicts of interest, such as misuse of funds, and acceptable sources of funding based on the organization’s mission; the publication of the organization’s annual budgets and the cost-effectiveness of its activities; the provision of adequate information on issues to the public and media; and an agreement to not criticize other network members for the benefit of their individual organization.

(To read the code of conduct in its entirety, visit http://www.womensnetwork.org/)

Here in the office of the Kosovo Women’s Network, I see these principles in action daily. Several times a day, we field both phone calls and visits from employees of member organizations and other NGOs, local and international students, representatives of the media and ordinary citizens. They are granted complete access to information, whether in the form of interviews with staff members or the publications that take up every inch of spare space in the office and are printed in multiple languages.

The process of integrating the code of conduct into the operating procedures of member organizations has been slow.  These may seem like basic measures, but nothing is ever that simple, especially in a country like Kosovo, where the public and its institutions are still dealing with the aftermath of war and independence. This summer, as the Kosovo Women’s Network begins evaluating the progress of implementation of the code of conduct among its members, I will be visiting as many organizations as I can to discuss the issues firsthand.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=wBQbDltPuCY

www.youtube.com/watch?v=C69NvFGxZQE

I am very passionate about Iran. Having worked at the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center in New Haven, Connecticut (www.iranhrdc.org) just prior to joining the Kosovo Women’s Network, I have come to learn a lot about the Islamic Republic, it’s political system and it’s people. I even wrote my Masters thesis on Iran. So, as these historic events are unfolding, I want to talk about what is happening, what could happen in the coming days, and what it all means.

But no one here is talking about Iran.

I have tried to start a dialogue on Iran several times, with several different people.  But Kosovars don’t want to talk about the election, the demonstrations, or the violence - especially the violence.  

At first, I couldn’t understand why no one (at least from my perspective) seemed interested in Iran. Then, a young Kosovar woman explained it to me. She stated that they simply have too many painful memories of their own experiences to open themselves up to more.  They need to look to the future and focus on building the democratic institutions of their “newborn” country.

For those who are interested in learning more about the current situation in the Islamic Republic, definitely check out fellow Advocacy Project Fellow Farzin’s blog (http://advocacynet.org/wordpress-mu/farzin/). He has done an amazing job presenting the current events from an angle that very few news outlets are covering.