I recently visited the Visoki Decani monastery of the Serbian Orthodox church, located just outside the city of Peja/Pec (in Kosovo, names of places are given in both Albanian and Serbian). Serbian King Stefan Uros III, whose son went on to build the Serbian Empire that existed from 1346 through 1371, erected the monastery in the fourteenth century. Stefan was canonized in 1339 and his body enshrined in the monastery he built (although his mausoleum is not usually open to the public, I happened to visit at the same time as an Orthodox priest from Romania and so was able to kiss his hand).

Tomb of Saint Stefan, a former Serbian king.

The monastery is heralded as the largest and best preserved Medieval church in the entire Balkans and, in 2004, was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO (as the UN doesn’t recognize Kosovo’s independence, the site is listed as the “Medieval Monuments in Kosovo” under the country of Serbia – http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/724).

It is also a “hot spot” of tensions between Kosovo and Serbia. For that reason, a force of KFOR troops (from Italy) are stationed there.

So, why is a church known for its frescos and a unique mix of styles of architecture (including Romanesque, Gothic and Byzantine – I studied art history) in need of protection by NATO troops?

Frescos in the Visoki Decani monastery.

The answer, as some in Kosovo say, is that the church is being used as political propaganda. The government of Serbia considers Visoki Decani monastery as the cradle of Serbian Orthodoxy and, as Orthodox Christianity is at the heart of the Serbian ethnic identity, the cradle of Serbian civilization as well.  In short, the Vikoski Decani monastery forms the basis for the “Kosovo is Serbia” argument.

Consider Serbian President Boris Tadic’s message delivered during his trip to the Visoki Decani monastery this past April. He stated, “My message today in Visoki Decani is a message of peace, peace for the Serbs, peace for the Albanians and all those who live in Kosovo, in our Serbia.”

(It is interesting to note that President Tadic required permission to visit the Visoki Decani monastery. Of course, he refused to submit a request to the government of Kosovo, as that would be seen as recognition of its legitimacy. Instead, he operated through intermediaries in the European Union, who in turn encouraged Kosovo to grant him authorization to enter the country.)

Tadic’s so-called message of peace continues to ignore the political will of the Albanian majority in Kosovo and the reality of an independent Kosovo. It is therefore not altogether surprising that the monastery has been subject to violent attacks, the most recent of which occurred in March 2007.

On July 7, Mahmoud Abbas, who is referred to as the President of Palestine in the Balkan press, met with officials of the Serbian government in Belgrade. Abbas publically reaffirmed “the traditional longstanding friendship between the Serbian and Palestinian peoples” and stated that Serbia could contribute to the Middle East peace process.

Abbas stated, “I am counting on you, Mr. President [Boris Tadic], to continue supporting efforts to reach a solution in the Middle East through talks with Israel that will enable Israel and Palestine to live side-by-side and cooperate as neighbors.” He then addressed the status of Kosovo, saying “The Kosovo issue is before the International Court [of Justice] and I believe that that is the right way to resolve every problem. That is our stance.”

Mahmoud Abbas

On the part of Serbia, Prime Minister Mirko Cvetkovic issued a statement thanking President Abbas for “the support he extends Serbia in preserving its territorial integrity and sovereignty.” President Tadic even announced plans for a scholarship initiative for Palestinian students.

I have to admit, this initially confused me. Past experience caused me to (wrongly) assume that Palestine would see the similarities in their situation to that of Kosovo and politically align with the newborn country.

For example, during my time in Ireland, I had the opportunity to study the history of Northern Ireland and eventually visit Belfast. Northern Ireland is home to The Troubles, where the population is divided along political and religious lines, resulting in a LONG history of violence (read Tim Pat Coogan’s “The Troubles” for a historical overview of the situation in Northern Ireland). They see their situation mirrored in the Middle East and have chosen sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Republicans (who are mainly Catholic, and want a unified and independent Ireland) support the Palestinians, while the Unionists (who are mainly Protestant, and want to maintain their ties with the United Kingdom) support the Israelis. This is most clearly demonstrated in the political murals that are found throughout the city, such as the one below.

Pro-Palestine Republican mural in Belfast

(The writing in the mural to the left says “Palestine…The largest concentration camp in the world!!! 3.3 million innocent people tortured, denied their freedom!” The Arabic writing in the mural to the right is a translation of a Republican slogan, Tiocfaidh ár Lá or “our day will come.”)

Then, it dawned on me. I may not be a politician, but Abbas sure is.

Cultivating ties with Serbia is brilliant political maneuvering. Serbia is closely allied with Russia, Syria and Egypt, all major world players. Maintaining and strengthening good relations with these three nations will result in an increase in actual support for the Palestinian cause on the international stage.  Serbia and Russia regard Kosovo’s declaration of independence illegal, and while other Middle Eastern nations have recognized the government of Kosovo (the most recent being Jordan), Egypt and Syria are not among them. In fact, Egypt even prevented a delegation of Kosovar officials from participating in the 2008 Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) that was held in Cairo.

Of course, some in Kosovo have suggested that Palestinians are just jealous.

This week, I had the pleasure of interviewing Valire Buza, the Executive Director of KWN-member organization Lira. I was both excited and nervous as I prepared for our meeting. I knew little about the organization, as an exhaustive internet search yielded NO information on the organization or it’s activities. So, I set off to meet Valire at a local café in Pristina, my only clue being the translation of “Lira” from Albanian to English (it means “free”).

When I arrived, Valire warmly embraced me.  For the next hour, and through the use of a (wonderful) translator who wished not to be identified, we discussed her organization.

In that time, I learned several important facts.

1. Lira’s mission is to promote the integration of women of all ethnicities into the social and cultural activities of Kosovar society.

However, their approach is a unique one.

Lira’s preferred medium of social integration is MUSIC. Their projects have included the creation of a traveling multi-ethnic women’s choir, the establishment of a multi-ethnic community arts center for women and children in Pristina, and the staging of concerts.  And what kind of music does Lira think has the power to bring diverse groups of women together? Check out the video below to find out!

2. Nearly a decade of experience is not enough! Even though Lira was established in 2000 (with the original goal of alleviating the trauma of war among all women), the organization is still struggling to build its institutional capacity. Finding funding is not easy, especially in Kosovo. To hear about Lira’s biggest challenge, and how the organization thinks membership in the Kosovo Women’s Network can help them overcome this particular obstacle, watch the short video below.

Lastly,

3. The tense political situation between the governments of Kosovo and Serbia is greatly impacting the participation of Kosovar Serbs in Kosovar society.  

Serbian officials exert significant influence over the Serbian minority still residing in Kosovo (and, some even suggest, over international institutions such as UNMIK and Eulex - see the picture of graffiti that is recreated all over Kosovo and it’s capital city).

Variations of this graffiti appear all over Kosovo

Authorities in Serbia have called upon the Serbian minority to abstain from participating in Kosovo’s political, social and cultural institutions. A highly publicized example has been the desertion - and return - of over 300 Serbian police officers to the Kosovo police force. The officers left the force in protest of Kosovo’s declaration of independence last year. However, Serbia’s Minister for Kosovo, Goran Bogdanovic, has publically stated that Serbia is involved in negotiating their return and that they are working on establishing a separate chain of command for Serbian police officers since Serbia and the Serbian minority in Kosovo do not recognize the government of Kosovo as legitimate.

So what does this mean for Lira? To hear their perspective on the involvement of Kosovar-Serb women in their organization and activities, see the video below.

Again, I would like to thank Valire and her translator for meeting with me and giving me such excellent points to think about.