This last Wednesday, I was fortunate to visit one of Arche d’Alliance’s ongoing programs in Makobola, which is a village forming the border between Uvira Territory and Fizi Territory in South Kivu. The program is called ‘Le Noyaux de Paix’ and the goal is assembling villagers into small committees in areas lacking security, so that these committees can discuss collective actions to better their security while at the same time providing Arche d’Alliance with accurate information concerning security and human rights violations in hostile regions of South Kivu. The Makobola group, having about 30 members, is merely one ‘nut’ (noyaux=nut) working in a network which now spans 7 remote villages. Importantly, the groups work to maintain a steady gender balance, as male-dominated committees tend to leave out some of the most egregious violations occurring daily in South Kivu, such as violent rape and women’s abduction into sex slavery by rebel groups living in the villages. Because of the Makobola group’s permanent residence in Makobola, they were able to provide significant information concerning soldier movements in the area and their accompanying violations, as well and hope-inspiring details about their collective work to change the security in Makobola.

Me waiting to begin the Makobola conference (vice-president of the committee is the man to the left)

Me waiting to begin the Makobola conference (vice-president of the committee is the man to the left)

The Wednesday meeting began by the committee’s general security report, where the group was asked to report on the various human rights abuses they had witnessed or heard about from other credible sources in Makobola. Makobola remains caught in the center of hostilities between FARDC (Congolese government soldiers) and the Mai-Mai militia, which is technically a non-state armed group but enjoys large chunks of financing coming from Kinshasa. Does this sound strange to anyone else? Two Kinshasa funded armed groups (wearing, in fact, the same uniforms) turning their arms against each other and often the civilians the government in Kinshasa is technically paying them to protect does seem like a stretch, but working in Congo for two years has taught me some valuable lessons. Notably, ‘When considering the actions Congolese armed state and non-state armed forces, an appropriate suspension of disbelief is more than helpful.’ Want to get even more confused? Consider this: It is well-known that elements of the FDLR (Rwandan ex-Interhawme) are also occupying places in Mai-Mai and FARDC brigades. Since last December, the Mai-Mai and FARDC have been charged with ELIMINATING the FDLR threat in their regions, which seems unlikely given that both groups often fight and pillage alongside these FDLR rebels who began arriving in Congo after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Again, suspension of disbelief…

The Makobola Noyaux de Paix committee was pleased to share these developments with us, only asking that contacts be made to curtail negative situations. This is where Arche d’Alliance comes in. Violations reported in a specific manner are run through Arche d’Alliance’s legal assistance system, whereby gross violations of human rights and the perpetrators can be punished. I am obligated to report that the vast number of violations go unreported or uninvestigated, as Arche d’Alliance has limited resources and villagers often have shame to report crimes committed against them. This combination creates an ever-growing list of violations, but efforts are being made by NGO’s like Arche d’Alliance to chip away at this list.

As noted earlier, there are a total of 7 groups in villages with similar security problems as Makobola. As staffers and aid workers are always limited relative to the problems in eastern Congo, the groups maximize on the know how and experiences of villagers across South Kivu. As the committees formed by Arche d’Alliance continue to grow, so does the power of villagers to have a hand in their security on a very real level. If villages waited for larger NGOs to arrive to begin working through these problems with them, they’d likely be kept waiting much longer. But, if communities are empowered through systems like Le Noyaux de Paix work can be done to change the tide of violence with no more than a dedicated group of locals willing to declare their human rights and demand the end of atrocities committed against civilians in eastern Congo.

This month's conference in Makobola concerned the role of women in Congolese democracy

This month's conference in Makobola concerned the role of women in Congolese democracy

Adding to the potency of the groups is the educational aspect of each meeting. After the briefing is delivered by the particular committee, there is an educational seminar held which is open to the general public. This month’s Makobola seminar revolved around the role women will play in both the local and national elections. Both men and women were invited to speak on their feeling about women’s role in democratic societies, and in particular the importance of women voting in the coming elections. As women are overwhelmingly targeted and oppressed in Congolese society, and traditionally have been one of the most victimized populations during hostilities, Arche d’Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo tried to stress the point that women need participate in great numbers to have their voices heard. Also discussed were parts of Congolese society that keep women from voting or presenting their candidature for offices in the government. Mentioned were the disproportionate workload at home women cope with, the traditional practice to deny education to young girls in families needing additional labor, and the intimidation of women hoping to initiate change within society.

Arche d'Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo speaking at the Makobola conference

Arche d'Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo speaking at the Makobola conference

After a 2 hour presentation, those present had come to important conclusions on how they could work to allow women the opportunity of more accurate representation in governmental and local politics. There were more than a few exasperated whines from men once the suggestion was made that they begin to prepare meals alongside their wives to free them up to participate in civic life, but the overwhelming majority was in full support. One of the realities in Congo benefiting the spread of information after such a conference is the fact that Congolese are a deeply social people, and tend to share their ideas and experiences with others. Thus, those not even at the meeting and seminar last Wednesday have probably already heard about the meeting’s contents. With this, a group of 30 or 40 offered some new perspectives quickly becomes an entire village. That is a reason to look toward the future in Makobola with a sense of hope, as the people I spoke with clearly had the determination and open-minded approach to allow for improvements in security, civic participation, and women’s empowerment—and share what they’ve heard with their neighbors.

Ned Meerdink

This last Tuesday, the 16^th of June, communities across sub-Saharan Africa remembered the massacres of Soweto township children by the South African Apartheid regime in 1976. On this annual day of remembrance, organizations in Uvira dedicated to the protection of Congolese children organized various events to highlight the precarious position of children in eastern Congo.

The dangers Congolese children face are probably not unfamiliar to many reading this blog. Congolese fortunate to pass into adulthood have typically navigated their way through a maze of threats against their well-being; forced recruitment into armed militias, sexual violence, untreated illnesses, hunger, and the overwhelming regional insecurity in eastern Congo all contribute to a situation demanding better protection of children and efforts to unite them. The theory among local activists dedicated to the protection and promotion of children is that events organized to educate children and introduce them to methods of protecting themselves make meaningful steps not only towards limiting conflict in eastern Congo (children continue to form large parts of non-state armed groups) but also teach children to live safer lives within the surrounding conflict. The reality that hostilities here are not on their way to disappearing forces children to have strong defenses in order to allow them the opportunity to grow up and hopefully enjoy a more peaceful future. The urgency of similar initiatives is clear. Offensives by rebel groups like the CNDP, LRA, and FDLR occurring over the last 6 months in North and South Kivu have shown that the occupation of villages is only one of numerous goals of armed groups. Rebel groups typically have as a periphery goal the mass victimization of children. Kidnapping children from their homes to fight or to act as ammunition porters, sex slaves, or domestic servants is still the norm. Educational initiatives and the encouragement of more cohesive communities, especially among vulnerable children, have offered a way to cut away at this trend.

On the 16^th this year, I was in Sange village, about 50km north of Uvira, to view activities planned by CEJEDER, a local organization advocating for children’s protection. As Sange is centrally located within Mai-Mai and FDD (Burundian rebels) territory, children there have traditionally faced forced recruitment and sexual violence at the hands of rebels. The prolonged conflict in Sange has also unfortunately left countless orphans, all whom lack the guidance and security usually provided by parent-run households. I saw the seriousness of the insecurity last November in Sange when rebel-led killings occurred early morning before demonstrations planned for the ‘Journée Mondiale pour le Refus de la Misère.’ Fortunately, activities passed well and without other incidents, and we had hundreds of children arriving to demonstrate their solidarity and their common interest improving life in Sange.

Walking towards Sange to begin the June 16 events

Walking towards Sange to begin the June 16 events

The events planned for this year’s June 16 commemoration by CEJEDER included theater performances, a football match, and a discussion/debate concerning issues affecting children in Sange. The theater piece concerned familial relations within child-led households, and some of the difficulties that arrive in daily decision-making (e.g. Who from our house will go to school this term? What are the consequences in sending your siblings to steal for your family’s food supply? What are the consequences in sending children to agricultural fields alone to cultivate?). Theater has a unique place in Congolese culture, and children react very positively to seeing their daily dramas played out before their eyes, especially when the theatre offers alternative conclusions, advice, and ways of thinking about a particular problem. Amisi Pele, from CEJEDER, told me that kids often laugh along with the theater but later begin to reevaluate their own situations when the pieces reflect parts of their lives. He went further to say that bit by bit, community interventions like those of the theater group in Sange, ‘Aurore du Sud,’ work to break down destructive practices and encourage communities to develop support structures for children, often a community’s most vulnerable population.

Children in Sange waiting to begin the debate and theatre portions of the day

Children in Sange waiting to begin the debate and theatre portions of the day

Not all the events this year had a ‘point’ as clearly defined as theater and group discussions. Some events (football match, beignet-eating contest, a meal with the MONUC soldiers, etc.) are not designed to have a tangible result, but just to let kids in Sange have a breath of fresh air, a reason to relax, and a break from the overwhelmingly difficult lives they live in South Kivu. The value of this is obviously open to attack by more pragmatic thinking, but, in my opinion, it was one of the best parts of this year’s June 16^th commemoration. It is heartening to see a besieged population retaining the ability to let down their defense mechanisms and enjoy themselves, even if only for a few hours. Hopefully, future local and international efforts to pacify the East and bring some security to places like Sange will allow this feeling to be more than temporary. After too many years, a little relief is more than owed to Congolese unfortunate enough to be living on one of the world’s great [military and political] battlefields.

Ned Meerdink

MONUC soldiers bring rice for the participants

MONUC soldiers bring rice for the participants

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A walk through Uvira’s most heavily militarized zone (not counting rebel/Mai-Mai areas) directly south of my home reveals a wealth of information concerning the present relationship between civilians across Uvira and the FARDC, the Congolese military. This weekend, I took advantage of the recent calm throughout Uvira to visit the militarized zone and came away with a few new perspectives.

Beyond being a quartier dominated by bombed-out and bullet-ridden buildings, FARDC military encampments, and Belgian colonial houses currently occupied by any number of FARDC troops, ‘the Zone,’ as it is not so affectionately called, has become a staging ground for a variety of public outcries against the FARDC’s consistent negligence in terms of civilian protection and enforcement of regional security. Manifestations and marches often aim their sites at the Zone, forcing the FARDC there to address their complaints and demands for changes within the military, in particular their demands for better treatment and protection of civilians. In 2007, after a series of violent FARDC rapes in civilian houses unlucky enough to be located in the Zone, large marches of protest were organized in front of the houses then housing FARDC generals and commanders, pleading with them to punish FARDC rapists and tighten their control over their soldiers. This, of course, wasn’t ever realized. When I visited the Zone after these marches, I ended up wandering into an abandoned building, not particularly different than any other in the area. Nothing remarkable happened at all and I went on my way as normal.

These days I walk through the Zone area pretty frequently, but this last time I was surprised to remember where the abandoned building I had seen in 2007 was located, and decided to walk in to see if anything interesting had changed since I was last there. The situation in the Zone certainly has changed during the years past, as the number of soldiers has increased significantly in an effort to draw soldiers from more secure areas into Uvira to respond to different rebel-led ‘incidents’ in the area since December. A huge camp has seemingly sprung up out of nowhere, full of Bashi (Bukavu origin) soldiers where there once was a completely deserted beach and unused factory full of spent ammunition shells. As most of the unoccupied buildings in the area have been taken up quickly by the influx of new FARDC soldiers, I was surprised to see no one inside, but quickly noticed a new addition on the walls. In charcoal, there was graffiti written all over the walls, new enough that touching it left black smudges on my hands. Considering the changing situation in the Zone, these writings summarized to me a lot of what I have heard from the Uvira community concerning the failings of the FARDC.

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This first writing (above) drawing my attention read: ‘LA PITIE NE FAIT PAS LA FORCE DE L’ARMEE.’ This is a sentiment which I hear almost daily, speaking of the ruthlessness of the FARDC towards Congolese civilians in comparison to their relatively careless treatment (or ‘pitie’) of the rebels surrounding Congolese towns. Let us not forget the FARDC’s tendency to flee combat from worthy rebel adversaries, while abusing the civilians during the flight. Look to the incidents in Goma and Kalehe in December 2008 for this part of the story.

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Another writing (above), written in Swahili, commented, ‘FARDC KEDA NA ULIMZI.’ Translated, this writing seemed more like a warning, telling the FARDC to ‘WATCH CLOSELY THE BAD SECURITY.’ Written in an imperative tone, this is more of a demand than a request or suggestion, and summarizes the frustration of civilians here. Many years have passed with Congolese all but begging the FARDC to pull themselves together, get their jobs done, and redirect themselves towards increasing security rather than destroying it.

Whichever way you look at images like these, one intention of anonymous graffiti in a military zone is to have it read. Obviously, the person or people writing in the abandoned building in the Zone in Uvira had something to say to the FARDC camped out around the corner. Unfortunately, given that Kabila and others in Kinshasa aren’t listening to General Assembly members pleading the case of increasing the peace the East, it is unlikely that they’ll ever listen any more attentively to the writing on the wall despite it’s logic.

In a region of the world where no governmental bodies seem to work, where the government has lost control of its military and its borders, and where the national military is largely considered as much of a predatory force as the rebels, there are a lot of messages which need to be sent which generally go unheard.

Ned Meerdink

One of many empty FARDC posts in South Kivu

One of many empty FARDC posts in South Kivu

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03/05/09

Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu: Supporting Women Journalists in Congo

Posted By: Ned

For the last three days, I have been working in outside of Bukavu (north of Uvira) with a local organization called the Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu (AFEM-SK), which works to develop the next generation of female journalists in Congo, offering young women practical field experience and access to the media which unfortunately isn’t readily available to women in Congo. Listening to the radio and reading through the small amount of print media available here, it is clear that Congolese media is a field largely populated by men, which leads to an often one-sided representation of current news and issues in Congo.

Because of the problems that have overwhelmed women in Congo concerning sexual violence and general second-class status, the approach of AFEM-SK is a necessary one in order to tell the entire story of what is happening in Congo. While making a field visit in Kaniola, the site of a recent massacre in which the soldiers (FDLR rebels) raped the village’s women after killing many of their husbands and their children, I saw one huge strength in AFEM-SK’s approach that I was not expecting: Speaking to a female journalist, in many instances, seems to make it easier for raped women (who often carry the well-known social stigma and shame after the incident) to tell their stories in a clear manner, to a journalist who might sympathize with their pain in ways in which a male journalist could not. As the women working for AFEM-SK are themselves all Congolese, born and raised, they are victim to the same threatening atmosphere and state-wide subjugation of women, and have the same type of fear concerning the rampant sexual violence in eastern Congo. Speaking to the rape victims profiled in Kaniola, I could see the victims relating their experiences in a brutally honest and candid manner, all in an atmosphere free from judgement or stigma. One woman, Bora, talked of being dragged into the forest and raped first by four FDLR soldiers, who then proceeded to rape her using broken-off branches of trees. While this was happening, other soldiers took her husband into the woods nearby and sodomized him. The physical pain has not subsided since, and she mentioned that the emotional pain endured is slowly eased by speaking of her experiences, in particular with other women.

The head of AEFM-SK, Chouchou Namegabe Dubisson, has also been awarded for her work in Congo by Vital Voices, and will be present in Washington D.C. with my friend Marceline. Chouchou has been active in journalism for many years, and is well known for her educational theatre pieces aired on Radio Mandeleo, which spoke of everything from how to protect women from HIV/AIDS to how to increase the amount of equality between women and men in the household. Since beginning AFEM in 2003, she has also worked with her staff to report on sexual violence in South Kivu, attempting to offer the perspective of raped women to audiences across Congo, in order to begin changing the mentality of those who accept rape in Congo as a given, and an unsolvable problem. With her experience, Chouchou also trains other women journalists, hoping to increase the amount of women present in Congolese media, especially in leadership roles. With a staff full of well-trained women journalists, fluent in the local languages as well as French, it seems that AFEM-SK is bound to succeed in promoting women in Congolese media. In addition, many of the staff members are graduates of Centre Lokole’s (Search For Common Ground) “Sisi Watoto” program for young journalists, and thus have gained lots of expertise at a young age even before working with Chouchou. Thus, AFEM-SK provides a valuable space for women graduated from the program, who are often, despite years of experience, blocked from gaining key positions in the media.

Parts of the video footage and victim profiles we took at the site of the Kaniola massacre will be shown at this year’s Vital Voices awards in Washington D.C. if you are interested in seeing the footage.

If there seems to be an overwhelming theme from these last few blog entries that sexual violence against Congolese women continues without any real promise of accountability or justice, I’d agree. However, local NGOs like SOS Femmes en Dangers and AFEM-SK work to change this, and from the last two weeks of work with both organizations, it is clear that the system, with proper pressure applied, can be changed. There are talented women in every town and village with the goal of protecting vulnerable populations. The media has continually proved itself to be an essential tool for forcing societal change, and hopefully increased recognition of those working for this will aid in the process and increase the safety of Congolese women. The FDLR are still here, but they know, as does everyone else, that there are many reporting on their violence and working to empower women to resist and force their society to change. While there is no hope for stopping sexual violence in Congo in its tracks, there is overwhelming evidence, like that which I saw in Kaniola, that there is a real opportunity to slow the tide and force the state to recognize the problem and condemn it, given the proper representation of the problem in the media by groups like AFEM-SK.

So try to get to the Vital Voices Awards in March (the 19th) if you have the chance, and hear these stories for yourselves and find out how you might be able to help Chouchou and Marceline, and in turn Congolese women in general.

Ned Meerdink

This last week, I have been in Fizi Territory, which is the province directly south of Uvira, where I am now living. Although Fizi is really only about 200km (about 125 miles) from Uvira, Congo never fails to turn what should be a relatively simple trip into something altogether different. Our original plan was to get to Fizi 10 or 11 hours after leaving from Uvira.

The lack of roads between Uvira and Fizi was not surprising, but what was unexpected was the week of rain that preceded the trip south, turning the dirt tracks to deep mud. After going only about 50km toward Fizi in a UN Land Rover, we were pretty much swallowed into a big hole, with mud up to the car doors. After a couple hours spent trying to get the car moving again, we realized that this was futile, as the tracks only got worse after Mianda (the closest village to where the Land Rover was stopped). So, we abandoned the Land Rover with the driver, hoping that another NGO would come along to help tow him out of the hole. The 4 of us left on foot bringing along 60 liters of gas and the video equipment, which we were using to document the programs of SOS Femmes en Dangers in Fizi for a short film to be shown at this year’s Vital Voices GLA Awards (see blog posting below concerning the work of Marceline and SOS Femmes en Dangers). We were lucky enough to find an NGO motorcycle along the route, who offered to move us 1-by-1 towards our final destination in Kazimia. Thus, 10 hours as predicted quickly became 30, not including the night we passed in a village in between the abandoned car and Kazimia. The people in the village (called Kikonde) where we stayed that night were surprised to see 4 unknown mud covered people coming into their village, but they were more they were really generous, and found us some food (smoked fish and fou-fou) and a place to sleep.

Finally arriving in Kazimia about a day late, I started making rounds right away to let all the necessary people know I was in the village and that I would be taking video. When arriving in Congolese villages not accustomed to having foreigners walking around, the first thing you always have to do is meet with the representatives from the militias, local administrators, intelligence officers, etc. so that they can help you stay safe (by letting you know if there is any fighting in the area and where not to go) and also so that they are completely aware that you are authorized to be working in the area, thus making it harder for them to harass you, put you in prison, order you out of the village, etc. It might seem strange to let shady types know where you are and what you are doing, but my experience tells me that if I am upfront and make sure each potential problem group knows I am there, things go a lot better. Taking video in Congo is always a sensitive subject, especially when filming something shameful to the Congolese government like their inability to protect their women from rape and other violence, which was the nature of the video we shot. Thus, a little “grease” money is always in order, and 3,000 Congolese francs (about $4) usually does the trick to get you full access and a signed letter from each local official and militia leader more or less authorizing you to be filming. It’s a shame that this is the case, but it is what it is and anyone working in Congo knows that all efforts to resist the occasional bribe to get things moving will eventually be trumped by reality and the fact that most officials and soldiers here are unpaid, and used to extracting their salary wherever possible. They are definitely okay with making your life difficult and your work impossible without a small payout.

That accomplished, we were finally able to start filming, albeit about 1 day and a half behind schedule.
The projects SOS Femmes en Dangers we were to film were located in Kazimia, Mboko, and Makobolo, and all were really impressive but difficult to stomach at the same time. In Mboko, we visited and interviewed some of the 125 women spending the day at Marceline’s reception center for recently raped women. The women were encouraged to see that even a small amount of international attention was being focused on the struggle of Congolese women to recover from often brutal rapes, but were realistic in asserting that despite their denunciations of rape by militias, government soldiers, and civilians, the government is largely incapable of protecting them. The sheer number of women at the reception center was a testament to their solidarity and will to defend themselves, but also to the fact that the presence of sexual violence in Congo is continuing without signs of slowing down. At the reception center, one of Marceline’s co-workers who manages the center (we profiled and interviewed her as well) told us that besides the rampant raping of women, Congolese society views women as having “…11 arms. Enough to do all of the work at the house, cultivate the fields, and raise the children while the many men pass their time doing nothing.” She added that constant denunciation of the poor treatment of Congolese women could eventually have a positive result in improving their situation, but that this was impossible without addressing the fact that often raped women are left by their husbands and thus live without support. One woman we interviewed spoke on similar lines, telling us that she was recently raped by four FDD soldiers (Burundian rebels) and that after her husband heard of the rape, he threw her out of the house.

SOS Femmes en Dangers responds to the need for income generation among women abandoned by their families by offering centers like the one we visited in Kazimia, where a sewing workshop and communal field has been established. Through these two operations, women are given options and small amounts of income (they sell the clothes they make and the food they harvest) with which they can continue to live and support their children. The women interviewed at the sewing workshop commented that the work was going well and that they felt increasingly empowered to have a form of income, but concluded that the lack of enough machines and fabric was really holding the center back from helping the huge numbers of raped and abandoned women trying to work at the workshop. Marceline’s field worker told us that while over 300 have arrived to try to get into the program, only about 50 or 60 at a time can do so due to the space and material limitations. The market is there, but the input (capital) is lacking.

One of the stories of recently raped women we heard repeated over and over was that they are most vulnerable when they are tending their fields. Because of the long work day, they will often leave their houses at 4 am, a time when those traveling the road are still vulnerable to militias/rebels/robbers who are generally more active between the hours of 11 pm and 6 am in the rural parts of Congo. Arriving at the fields to endless work, women often are forced to pass the night in their fields, where they build temporary shelters to avoid the long walk home late at night and to make it easier to begin work early the next day. Te respond to this, SOS Femmes en Dangers has purchased community fields, not far from the main track through Kazimia and Mboko, where women are safer to cultivate and encouraged to do so in large groups, as they are less vulnerable in larger numbers. This year’s mavuno (harvest) of corn, manioc (used to make fou-fou), and ground nuts is predicted to be a good one, and will allow the women cultivating the communal fields to generate income in a safer atmosphere than their previous fields located in isolated regions far from the center of the village.

So, it is obvious that the problems for Congolese women are nowhere near their end, but if any positive can be drawn from my short time in Fizi this last trip it is that the women here refuse to submit silently to their abuse. An attitude of “silent shame” is being replaced by a more proactive one, and that process is definitely expedited by the work women like the those we met in Fizi are fearlessly undertaking. If you could see the region, you’d realize that there is no protection for women besides their solidarity. “Remote” does not begin to describe it. As Marceline discusses regularly with women concerning how to decrease their vulnerability, walking to the fields together is a start, supporting those who are raped without prejudice helps, and rallying together against those abusers of human rights will go a long way in time.

There were lots of other visits worth noting, but I’ll just say quickly that we saw great things being done in the most difficult of situations in Fizi. The women we spoke to were empowered, organized, and fighting for increased independence and increased recognition of their human rights, which are regularly violated in what has traditionally been a lawless place. I had gotten some emails asking for more information on SOS Femmes en Dangers and Marceline, so hopefully this blog has responded to those. I should be in FIzi again with Marceline and her co-workers towards the 8th of March, where we are making one final field visit before her trip to Washington D.C. to be present at the Vital Voices Awards. You can see her profile here on the vital Voices website if you need more information, and thanks for reading the blog. I’m hoping to turn some of the interviews taken in Fizi into profiles to be used for an upcoming SOS Femmes en Dangers advocacy campaign which we are trying to organize or April. If you’d be interested in receiving the profiles or campaign information sometime in April, please feel free to comment on the blog and I’ll get back to you.

Ned Meerdink