[Rather than write three separate entries concerning three recent items of note in Uvira, I decided to combine them for the sake of ease in posting considering an increasingly rare internet connection as of late.]

Vesta Co-op party to benefit Tunza Mazingira

Vesta Co-op party to benefit Tunza Mazingira

First, thanks to Vesta Cooperative House in East Lansing, Michigan for ‘partying with a purpose’ on behalf of an AP partner in eastern Congo. Vesta Co-op opened their doors to MSU students and community members last Friday from 9 pm to the wee hours of the morning in order to benefit AP partner Tunza Mazingira (‘Protect the Environment’ in Swahili) and the alternative cooking fuel program which was started this last year by Tunza field worker Clément Kitambala. As Tunza believes that environmental protection equates with civilian protection in the eastern Congolese context, alternative cooking fuel has become a major focus of Tunza’s work. Congolese women regularly risk their personal safety to go into the forests to collect firewood (making them increasingly vulnerable to violence and rape at the hands of the ever-present active armed groups), or sacrifice their stressed family budgets to purchase expensive traditional ‘makala’ in town to cook, which rises weekly in price in response to growing insecurity in the zones where it is produced and increasing scarcity of eucalyptus, which is used to produce makala and is being rampantly deforested.

Vesta Co-op raised over $800 for further development of Clément’s program with alternative cooking briquettes, which are composed of organic waste and offer a multitude of environmental, economic, and security-related benefits for Congolese civilians, which you can read about in greater detail here. The money will go directly to Tunza Mazingira, and will allow us to 1) build three new briquette presses, 2) offer small loans to women cooking and selling road-side food using alternative cooking fuel, 3) give work to 12 demobilized girls coming out of armed groups (which decreases the likeliness of their rejoining militias due to lack of income), who are making and selling alternative briquettes and will do so on a larger scale in the coming weeks with the new presses, and 4) spread awareness throughout Uvira on the benefits of using the briquettes in place of wood or makala-based cooking fires. Vesta Co-op’s generosity (and that of all the party goers) has jump-started Clément’s work in Uvira, and everyone from Tunza’s staff sends their sincere thanks to the co-opers and everyone responsible for organizing the party, making food, buying/drinking booze, and collecting money. All this sort of makes me wish I was still in college…To check out what an East Lansing paper wrote about the benefit, look here.

Watu wenge sana

Watu wenge sana

—

Secondly, and completely unrelated, is the status of the Kimya II operation to ‘throw out or kill’ thousands of FDLR rebels in South Kivu. I could merely quote the pro-government propaganda aired each night on national radio which says that all is going well and that the FDLR are on their way to extinction, but instead I’d like to offer you a linguistic clue as to what the status of the operation is.

Currently, if you have severe diarrhea in Uvira, you will say (if you are up on local slang), ‘Nasikia Kimya II kabisa.’ [literally, ‘I have serious Kimya II’]. This uncomfortable, dangerous, and frequent killer of civilians used to be called ‘kuhara’ (the literal translation of ‘diarrhea’ into Swahili), but is now simply called ‘Kimya II’. This pretty much sums the operation up. N.B. According to the 2008 IRC mortality report for Congo, diarrhea is one of the primary contributors to the 30,000 or so civilians dying each month due to ‘war related’ causes in eastern Congo, which include lack of housing and clean water due to populations fleeing combat, ruined clinics and lack of medical care, and a variety of other problems intensified and unaddressed in light of the insecurity here. Thus, the sense of this recent addition to the ‘Uvira dictionary’ seems pretty clear. The people have spoken and offered a pretty candid approximation on Kimya II’s recent results. Having had no running water in three weeks, everyone in Uvira is starting to feel a bit of ‘Kimya II’ one way or another.

—

Thirdly, AP partner SOS Femmes en Danger and I were finally able to arrange the much awaited arrival of the uniforms and school supplies so kindly donated by Diane Von Furstenburg in the villages of Kazimia, Kikonde, and Mboko. The uniforms and supplies benefited children of single mothers, widows, and victims of sexual violence. A small gap in fighting opened up the roads for movement South from Uvira, and now lots of kids are back in class, albeit a bit late. A bad omen for the immediate future emerged when combat resumed as the trip was coming to an end, with Mai-Mai vs. FARDC battles in Kikonde and Mboko (even in heavily populated Baraka town), and FDLR occupation and partial burning of a village 4 km from Kazimia.

One of over 200 DVF sponsored students in her school's office in Kikonde

One of over 200 DVF sponsored students in her school's office in Kikonde

Nevertheless, thanks very much to Diana Von Furstenburg for making it possible for so many kids in Fizi to continue their studies. The regulations at schools in Congo are fairly draconian concerning the requirement of new uniforms for incoming students, so ‘le rentre’ would have been impossible for a lot of kids without the DVF support. Now, if only security can improve a bit to create an atmosphere where studying can happen without fear and without firefights drowning out recitations and lessons.

Ned Meerdink

One of the more frustrating aspects of working in the regions of Congo currently under the yoke of Kimya II operations is the stopping of programs already in place due to declining security and risky travel situations. Admittedly, this is a paltry inconvenience when compared with the problems facing civilians all too often directly in the line of fire; their worries are much more significant than those NGOs face. Entire rural villages are being burned up by rebels it daily recently in South Kivu. However, when speaking of the declining quality of life and availability of services that face Congolese during active combat and operations, the blocking of NGO work definitely comes into play. Examples…

One of the AP partners in eastern Congo with whom I have been working, SOS Femmes en Danger, recently appealed to the foundation run by Diane Von Furstenburg for financing to get uniforms and supplies to children of rape victims and single mothers (many mothers themselves are still young enough to be students) in Fizi Territorry villages currently more or less run by FDLR and Mai-Mai militias. Ms. Von Furstenburg was more than generous with us, and the huge hurdle that gaining even minimal amounts of financing usually is for organizations in eastern Congo was made remarkably simple. With the money in place, we got to work putting together hundreds of uniforms and supply sets for kids who pretty much wouldn’t be able to even find their obligatory uniforms due to the cutting of supply routes in their area. This all seems to be adding up to what could be called a ‘successful intervention’ by many, n’est-pas?

Here’s the gritty part: The Kimya II operations in our area have more or less closed the roads due South. Roads that are still passable are manned by a variety of militia soldiers, obviously generally unconcerned with letting free school uniforms get through to more isolated communities. On the contrary, OCHA offices have informed me that not only will the Mai-Mai in question likely interrogate and extort us along the road, but they will likely take whatever is being carried towards Fizi and simply refuse the parcels back after ‘inspection.’ I’ve got no problem riding on a motorbike with heavy boxes for 14 hours, but not just to get robbed along the way. So, we look into taking a boat on Lake Tanganyika around the heavy combat zones, and we’re told that will cost for the moment is about $600 due to the regional insecurity and soaring gas prices (those lines have been cut off or at least limited as well). No chance…

So, as the deadline for the beginning of the school year creeps closer, this prime example of frustrations encountered by NGOs with limited financing is rearing its ugly head. Waiting and wringing our hands is an option, but can only go so far. Hopefully, we’ll be able to convince the UN helicopters moving everywhere these days to organize a good old fashioned air drop, but that seems more than a little far-fetched. Welcome to eastern Congo during the epoch of Kimya II.

Ned Meerdink

Where in the world is the FDLR?

That seems to be the question going around Uvira recently, as the current government military operation called Kimya II (which means something like ‘quiet’ or ‘invisible’ in Swahili) is taking hold in South Kivu. Kimya II is being conducted against the usual suspects-the Rwandan FDLR rebels, who have at their leadership certain participants in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The operation is more than confusing, as it combines battalions of former enemies like the Mai Mai and CNDP (formerly led by Laurent Nkunda) with the Congolese FARDC forces in order to form a force capable of tracking the FDLR rebels and bringing an end to their long-standing presence in eastern Congo. The success of Kimya II seems unlikely for a number of reasons, primarily because the force meant to fight off the FDLR is composed of forces which have traditionally been extremely antagonistic to each other. For example, just last December, the CNDP was literally within spitting distance of taking Goma from the FARDC forces, with the Mai Mai lingering in the era and periodically attacking both the CNDP and FARDC. Massacres, pillaging, and rape were committed by all three forces involved in the Goma fighting-even by FARDC soldiers fleeing the occupation of their city. Additionally, the now reintegrated CNDP soldiers were part of the battalions which attacked and occupied Bukavu in 2004, raping and pillaging indiscriminately. No one has forgotten this. Now, the Congolese government is hoping all three will work together in harmony to throw out the FDLR, which is marked as an enemy of all armed groups involved.

FDLR positions in eastern Congo. Uvira is located about 30km south of Sange. (courtesy: MONUC)

FDLR positions in eastern Congo. Uvira is located about 30km south of Sange. (courtesy: MONUC)

The population here is obviously almost unanimously against Kimya II and the threat it poses to civilians in South Kivu. First, there is little proof that the FARDC is capable, even with its new found ‘friends,’ of threatening the FDLR rebels. The FDLR rebels are well-entrenched throughout South and North Kivu and commonly regarded as more adequately trained than the FARDC. The Kimya II force seems merely to anger the rebels, then flee their attack, leaving civilians exposed to FDLR ‘revenge.’ Going further, all the groups intended to force the FDLR out are more used to acting directly AGAINST the best interests of the civilian population. Recent investigations by Oxfam (interviews in 20 communities within South Kivu) and Human Rights Watch (interviews throughout North and South Kivu) in the East have commented on the massive abuses by both the FARDC soldiers and their Mai Mai allies, most surveys concluding that communities here have at least as much fear of ‘their own’ troops as the FDLR rebels. These interviews included many of the reintegrated forces (combining former rebels with FARDC) which form the Kimya II force. Finally, no one in the community is neglecting to mention the obvious truth that when the FDLR are being hunted down, the massacres of civilians invariably increase in frequency.

Recent killings across South Kivu have revealed a clear pattern. First, the government forces attack a particular FDLR rebel stronghold as part of Kimya II operations. The FDLR then recedes into surrounding forest areas in order to regroup and plan a counter-attack. This counter-attack occurs, the FARDC troops flee, and the FDLR is left to attack the civilians. This just happened in Busurungi village in South Kivu, with at least 100 civilians killed. A Washington Post article commented that the attacked FDLR rebels recaptured Busurungi village ‘…without resistance from the government forces, who had already moved to another area,’ and then simply arrived to massacre the civilian population. These types of attacks have created the current IDP (internally displaced person) problem in eastern Congo, with at least 900,000 fleeing their homes in North and South Kivu since January. Add to that the 300,000 which fled in December 2008, and you have over 1 million new IDPs in the last 7 months or so.

If anything, Kimya II is merely inciting more violence, causing more distrust and fear among the community, and creating a situation where the IDP population will continue to increase in number. I am certainly seeing this aspect of the ‘fall out’ in Uvira recently, as the constant stream of IDPs fleeing violence in surrounding villages ends in Uvira. Trucks have been coming in to town with astonishing frequency full of IDPs leaving their homes in Lemera, Sange, Livungi, and other villages with strong FDLR presence. Simple lines of those fleeing on foot carrying everything they own are now unfortunately a part of the landscape between Uvira and Bukavu. This is just another situation in Congo which seems to lack a clear military solution, as civilians always bear the brunt of these ‘efforts at consolidating the peace.’ The question I am curious is to ask those leaving their homes is whether they are fleeing the FDLR rebels, the Kimya II forces, or both. Frustratingly typical in Congo, civilians merely move from one hot spot to another, with no one reliable to turn to for protection and no time to come up for air.

Ned Meerdink

This last week, I have been in Fizi Territory, which is the province directly south of Uvira, where I am now living. Although Fizi is really only about 200km (about 125 miles) from Uvira, Congo never fails to turn what should be a relatively simple trip into something altogether different. Our original plan was to get to Fizi 10 or 11 hours after leaving from Uvira.

The lack of roads between Uvira and Fizi was not surprising, but what was unexpected was the week of rain that preceded the trip south, turning the dirt tracks to deep mud. After going only about 50km toward Fizi in a UN Land Rover, we were pretty much swallowed into a big hole, with mud up to the car doors. After a couple hours spent trying to get the car moving again, we realized that this was futile, as the tracks only got worse after Mianda (the closest village to where the Land Rover was stopped). So, we abandoned the Land Rover with the driver, hoping that another NGO would come along to help tow him out of the hole. The 4 of us left on foot bringing along 60 liters of gas and the video equipment, which we were using to document the programs of SOS Femmes en Dangers in Fizi for a short film to be shown at this year’s Vital Voices GLA Awards (see blog posting below concerning the work of Marceline and SOS Femmes en Dangers). We were lucky enough to find an NGO motorcycle along the route, who offered to move us 1-by-1 towards our final destination in Kazimia. Thus, 10 hours as predicted quickly became 30, not including the night we passed in a village in between the abandoned car and Kazimia. The people in the village (called Kikonde) where we stayed that night were surprised to see 4 unknown mud covered people coming into their village, but they were more they were really generous, and found us some food (smoked fish and fou-fou) and a place to sleep.

Finally arriving in Kazimia about a day late, I started making rounds right away to let all the necessary people know I was in the village and that I would be taking video. When arriving in Congolese villages not accustomed to having foreigners walking around, the first thing you always have to do is meet with the representatives from the militias, local administrators, intelligence officers, etc. so that they can help you stay safe (by letting you know if there is any fighting in the area and where not to go) and also so that they are completely aware that you are authorized to be working in the area, thus making it harder for them to harass you, put you in prison, order you out of the village, etc. It might seem strange to let shady types know where you are and what you are doing, but my experience tells me that if I am upfront and make sure each potential problem group knows I am there, things go a lot better. Taking video in Congo is always a sensitive subject, especially when filming something shameful to the Congolese government like their inability to protect their women from rape and other violence, which was the nature of the video we shot. Thus, a little “grease” money is always in order, and 3,000 Congolese francs (about $4) usually does the trick to get you full access and a signed letter from each local official and militia leader more or less authorizing you to be filming. It’s a shame that this is the case, but it is what it is and anyone working in Congo knows that all efforts to resist the occasional bribe to get things moving will eventually be trumped by reality and the fact that most officials and soldiers here are unpaid, and used to extracting their salary wherever possible. They are definitely okay with making your life difficult and your work impossible without a small payout.

That accomplished, we were finally able to start filming, albeit about 1 day and a half behind schedule.
The projects SOS Femmes en Dangers we were to film were located in Kazimia, Mboko, and Makobolo, and all were really impressive but difficult to stomach at the same time. In Mboko, we visited and interviewed some of the 125 women spending the day at Marceline’s reception center for recently raped women. The women were encouraged to see that even a small amount of international attention was being focused on the struggle of Congolese women to recover from often brutal rapes, but were realistic in asserting that despite their denunciations of rape by militias, government soldiers, and civilians, the government is largely incapable of protecting them. The sheer number of women at the reception center was a testament to their solidarity and will to defend themselves, but also to the fact that the presence of sexual violence in Congo is continuing without signs of slowing down. At the reception center, one of Marceline’s co-workers who manages the center (we profiled and interviewed her as well) told us that besides the rampant raping of women, Congolese society views women as having “…11 arms. Enough to do all of the work at the house, cultivate the fields, and raise the children while the many men pass their time doing nothing.” She added that constant denunciation of the poor treatment of Congolese women could eventually have a positive result in improving their situation, but that this was impossible without addressing the fact that often raped women are left by their husbands and thus live without support. One woman we interviewed spoke on similar lines, telling us that she was recently raped by four FDD soldiers (Burundian rebels) and that after her husband heard of the rape, he threw her out of the house.

SOS Femmes en Dangers responds to the need for income generation among women abandoned by their families by offering centers like the one we visited in Kazimia, where a sewing workshop and communal field has been established. Through these two operations, women are given options and small amounts of income (they sell the clothes they make and the food they harvest) with which they can continue to live and support their children. The women interviewed at the sewing workshop commented that the work was going well and that they felt increasingly empowered to have a form of income, but concluded that the lack of enough machines and fabric was really holding the center back from helping the huge numbers of raped and abandoned women trying to work at the workshop. Marceline’s field worker told us that while over 300 have arrived to try to get into the program, only about 50 or 60 at a time can do so due to the space and material limitations. The market is there, but the input (capital) is lacking.

One of the stories of recently raped women we heard repeated over and over was that they are most vulnerable when they are tending their fields. Because of the long work day, they will often leave their houses at 4 am, a time when those traveling the road are still vulnerable to militias/rebels/robbers who are generally more active between the hours of 11 pm and 6 am in the rural parts of Congo. Arriving at the fields to endless work, women often are forced to pass the night in their fields, where they build temporary shelters to avoid the long walk home late at night and to make it easier to begin work early the next day. Te respond to this, SOS Femmes en Dangers has purchased community fields, not far from the main track through Kazimia and Mboko, where women are safer to cultivate and encouraged to do so in large groups, as they are less vulnerable in larger numbers. This year’s mavuno (harvest) of corn, manioc (used to make fou-fou), and ground nuts is predicted to be a good one, and will allow the women cultivating the communal fields to generate income in a safer atmosphere than their previous fields located in isolated regions far from the center of the village.

So, it is obvious that the problems for Congolese women are nowhere near their end, but if any positive can be drawn from my short time in Fizi this last trip it is that the women here refuse to submit silently to their abuse. An attitude of “silent shame” is being replaced by a more proactive one, and that process is definitely expedited by the work women like the those we met in Fizi are fearlessly undertaking. If you could see the region, you’d realize that there is no protection for women besides their solidarity. “Remote” does not begin to describe it. As Marceline discusses regularly with women concerning how to decrease their vulnerability, walking to the fields together is a start, supporting those who are raped without prejudice helps, and rallying together against those abusers of human rights will go a long way in time.

There were lots of other visits worth noting, but I’ll just say quickly that we saw great things being done in the most difficult of situations in Fizi. The women we spoke to were empowered, organized, and fighting for increased independence and increased recognition of their human rights, which are regularly violated in what has traditionally been a lawless place. I had gotten some emails asking for more information on SOS Femmes en Dangers and Marceline, so hopefully this blog has responded to those. I should be in FIzi again with Marceline and her co-workers towards the 8th of March, where we are making one final field visit before her trip to Washington D.C. to be present at the Vital Voices Awards. You can see her profile here on the vital Voices website if you need more information, and thanks for reading the blog. I’m hoping to turn some of the interviews taken in Fizi into profiles to be used for an upcoming SOS Femmes en Dangers advocacy campaign which we are trying to organize or April. If you’d be interested in receiving the profiles or campaign information sometime in April, please feel free to comment on the blog and I’ll get back to you.

Ned Meerdink