My border crossings in Congo have become rather intricate afffairs with the complexity of the process increasing in proportion to the amount of time spent in Congo. I really had not realized exactly how bizarre this seemingly simple (and ‘official’) process had become until this last week, when three very typical border crossings led to accusations that I am: 1) participating in the arms trade, 2) traveling with a fake passport, and 3) carrying (and producing!) fake visas. It seems that the longer I stay in Congo, the more explaining I have to do in terms of justifying my existence. Unlike a worker for a large NGO or a consultant with a clearly defined arrival/departure date, I just sort of keep ‘sticking around’, which has led to lots of stories forming in officials’ heads about why exactly I prefer to spend so much time in Congo rather then spending more time in more ‘familiar parts of the world.’

As Congo has been thoroughly upset through the last few decades by the gamut of foreign threats, it is not so surprising that border guards and soldiers could be extremely cautious. But, these guys in Congo take it to a while new level. One of the complicating factors, in my opinion, is my designation as a ‘student’ which leaves a lot of room for people to fill in what ever they think might be your real intentions here. If you say you are a student, guards often test out a hypothesis of you being engaged in intelligence gathering for a number of countries, typically including Rwanda and Uganda. If this theory is quickly dismissed by some well-placed manufactured stupidity (e.g. asking the guard, ‘Where is Uganda?’) then other theories quickly surface, such as mineral trading or political ‘agitating’. Education in eastern Congo is looked on as a tool for outsiders to become better plunderers, better critics of the government, or better informed as to the atrocities going on daily in Congo. In this unique circumstance, Western education doesn’t open many doors, but can keep you from going through ones you have a right to pass through.

The truly disturbing part for me, however, is how ready and willing the border guards charged with curbing foreign threats from arriving on Congolese territory are to accepting any small amount of money to let any possible trumped up violation vanish into thin air. After any accusation, an offer will eventually arise hinting that a few dollars will make all these problems disappear. Accused of moving AK-47s in checked baggage? ‘Irrigate’ the guard a bit and this baggage goes through without so much as a once-over. Has your passport’s validity been questioned? Pay a little and you could pass the border with bar coaster with your name scribbled on it in purple crayon. No one is undertaking the heavy questioning and suspicion I meet at border crossings for any reason except to get paid off and any questions of legality or protection of civilians, even in cases where guards might find someone doing something less than above board, will always be quickly swept under the rug by border guards looking for a quick payout. I consider it a point of pride to refuse these and all bribes, and rely on a healthy does of patience and competitive spirit (‘I can wait out even the most persistent corrupt guard’). Getting accused of horrendous things isn’t scary. However, understanding how easily these things occur in this atmosphere of complete impunity (despite a well-manned border patrol) is the scary part. The fight against small arms, counterfeit money, and all other undesirable inputs will always be futile if it only takes a little money and negotiation to bring them onto Congolese soil.

Ned Meerdink

As I have been writing recently about the Mai-Mai militias in North and South Kivu, I wanted to offer up this article from the Irish Times speaking about the links between MONUC, the UN peacekeeping operation in Congo, and this militia, which is famous for their arbitrary attacks, ‘side-changing,’ and their medication taken to deflect bullets and RPG rounds (called ‘mai,’ which is appropriate as it is made of a mixture of herbs, water-mai is Swahili for water, and local booze).  It’s said to make you invulnerable, but I’ve definitely seen the opposite to be true following FARDC vs. Mai-Mai battles.

This article definitly speaks to the chaos which could break out if this current operation againt the FDLR (called ‘Operation Kimya’ [Swahili for 'quiet,' or 'silent']) ends up anything like the last December offensive, which was a part of Kimya as well and a disaster.  FDLR massacres in remote villages have already begun again with the growing pressure on their bases, and they are not ignorant to the fact they are soon to be ‘hunted’ in eastern Congo again, causing violent backlashes against Congolese.

Take a look at this article and let me know what your thoughts are.  I am confused as you might be.

Ned Meerdink

Terrified civilians say a UN-backed military force is raping, looting and killing villagers at will: Minova/Sud Kivu, Congo

by STEPHANIE MCCRUMMEN in the IRISH TIMES, 28 June 2009

A CONGOLESE military operation against Rwandan rebels who have caused years of conflict in eastern Congo is unleashing fresh horrors across this region’s rolling green hills.

The mission, backed logistically by UN peacekeepers and politically by the US, aims to disband the remaining 7,000 or so Rwandan Hutu rebels who fled into eastern Congo after the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

But since the operation began in January, villagers have recounted nightmarish stories that raise questions about whether the military action will ultimately cause more destruction than it prevents.

At least half a million people have fled a rebel campaign of village burnings and retaliatory killings, including a massacre of more than 100 people in which several civilians were decapitated. At the same time, people are also fleeing the advance of their own predatory army – a toxic mishmash of mostly unpaid, underfed, ill-trained former militiamen churned into the military after various peace deals.

According to an army spokesman, the deputy to the commander in charge of the operation is an ex-militia leader and wanted war crimes suspect known as the Terminator. Villagers say soldiers are killing people accused of collaborating with the rebels. And in scenes that recall the brutalities of Belgian colonial rule, commanders are forcing locals to carry supplies across the forest, killing those who collapse from exhaustion.

“Pastors, teachers, students, everyone must carry, and not for one day, for weeks,” said Kalinda Hangi, a former teacher who has filled a notebook with names of people killed by the rebels and the army in his area. “They make you build their tents, take water – if you don’t obey, they kill you.”

In its mission, the army is being supported by trucks, food, attack helicopters and other equipment provided by the UN peacekeepers, but the co-operation has spawned criticism.

Humanitarian workers say the operation has paralysed assistance to newly displaced persons, and a UN inter-agency committee last month described “a fundamental conflict” between the UN support of the army and the world body’s mandate to protect civilians.

“This operation is definitely doing more harm than good,” said Julien Attakla, who heads the UN human rights section in North Kivu province, where the operation has been centred. The rebels “have never been as dangerous to the population as they are now. And the Congolese army – what are the chances of them carrying out a successful operation? They are looting houses, looting farms, raping everywhere, using forced labour – that’s the real face of this operation.”

Diplomats from the UN, Europe, the US and especially from neighbouring Rwanda have pressured Congo for years to act against the Hutu rebels, who are known as the FDLR (Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda) and include leaders accused of helping organise Rwanda’s genocide.

Although they are no longer considered an immediate threat to the Rwandan government, the rebels have in the past collaborated with the Congolese army, sharing weapons and fighting against common enemies. The rebels have set up parallel administrations in many areas, preying on villagers and controlling much of the region’s lucrative mineral trade.

Their presence has prompted Rwanda to invade Congo twice, and to back two Congolese rebel movements, fuelling a complex conflict that has become the deadliest since the second World War.

By some estimates, the fighting and related turmoil have left at least five million people dead over the past decade.

US and UN officials say the operation – initially supported by thousands of Rwandan soldiers – is a crucial part of a wider political and economic deal to mend the destructive relationship between Rwanda and Congo, and to return stability to Congo’s long-suffering east. They say the operation has forced hundreds of rebels to desert and has disrupted their command and weakened their hold on the mineral trade, though analysts dispute the latter two gains.

Top UN officials say that if they were not co-operating with the army, human rights abuses would be worse.

“We’ve been mandated to support this army, and we are trying to the best of our ability to improve their performance and protect civilians,” said Hiroute Guebre Sellassie, head of the UN office in North Kivu province.

Still, there have been dozens of rebel attacks since the operation began, many advertised in advance by rebels who have left leaflets in villages promising death to anyone who helps the army.

The most brutal attack came last month in the village of Busurungi, where at least 100 people were massacred, according to several survivors.

The army had taken up position in the formerly rebel-held village, but most of the soldiers had moved on by the time the rebels arrived one night. A few militiamen tried to fight back, but ran out of ammunition.

“They called us civilians and said, ‘Our bullets are finished, try to run’,” said Angelus Bahavu, secretary to a traditional king in the area.

As he ran, he saw rebels force screaming women and children back into their huts, which they set on fire. Rebels guarded the doors to prevent anyone from escaping, he and others said. The rebels slammed babies against trees, and people fleeing were killed with arrows, machetes and guns.

In a tactic aimed at terrorising those who might co-operate with the army, rebels decapitated several people, whose heads were then placed on tree branches planted at the entrance to the village.

“They told people, ‘You are bringing these troops to hunt us, now we will hunt you’,” said Bahavu, who eventually made his way to a sprawling camp of banana-leaf huts. – ( LA Times-Washington Post )

Tomorrow is the yearly independence celebration across Congo, commemorating the end of Belgian rule and the beginning of what would reveal itself to be a rather doomed state. Belgian influence of course did not end; everything from the national educational system (or what is left of it) to the decaying train tracks offer modern-day reminders of their presence here. There are certainly more off-putting reminders of Belgium’s role in pre-independence Congo. Often times, kids joking with you in the quartiers will be warned by their grandparents to stay away from the ‘Belgian’ or risk a beating with the chicotte, which was a whip made from hippopotamus skin employed throughout colonial days. Additionally, sometimes people will not so politely remind me in Swahili of the riots and killings of foreigners (and Congolese) here during the process towards independence, and their idea that the Mai-Mai could one day repeat history for the remaining ‘étrangers.’ Though many Belgians continue to call the colonial era ‘la belle époque,’ I’d beg to differ given those lingering resonances.

In 2007, a once well-known Belgian administrator, who had spent the almost all of his 60 years in Congo, sent an email to leading aid agencies and governments working in Congo to summarize his feeling on Congolese since ‘la belle époque.’ This email commented that, while spending the grand part of his years in Congo, before and after independence, he learned that the Congolese are, ‘…incapable, selfish, lying thieves.’ This was actually the opening sentence of the letter. He went further, commenting that Congolese have done nothing since 1960 (except drink and steal), further romanticizing the rampant pillage known as the Belgian Colony of Congo. Bringing us up to date, he concluded that, ‘…across Western Europe, the Congolese living there are of course the first in line to go on welfare and waste money given to them by social services, lying about their number of children and ages to defraud European social agencies.’

Talking about this with some friends at their office about this letter, I came to some pretty startling realizations. Speaking with them, who were for the most part educated and working for humanitarian concerns, I noticed they were more or less in agreement with the administrator. They said that he writes well and does touch on a lot of problems in Congo. True, there are lot of thieves and a good number of drunks. My immediate dismissal of the administrator’s writing as the words of an aging colonizer losing his mind was purely my own.

It was in this conversation that I began to think again about these invisible cues that Western ideas and notions are very much a part of our community in Uvira. Society has been so thoroughly down and continually upset by wars since independence that the colonial era DOES begin to hold some deceptive value in some people’s opinions. Enemies WERE more clearly marked in that era, black versus white. Now days, militias composed entirely of Congolese will slaughter villages of fellow Congolese. This is new. A good meal, or one that is sufficiently nutritious, is still called ‘Chakula ya Bulaya (European meal).’ Congolese women often use dangerous chemicals to whiten their skin and straighten their hair, with many men responding to these changes (they are called ‘muzungu’ like me and get higher bride wealth).

Our neo-colonial administrator, given these realities of modern-day Congo, has deceived many (even friends of mine here) into sympathizing with him. There is, however, key missing information. The administrator neglected to consider the position Congo was left in by colonial presence. Lack of infrastructure, a pillaged resource base, a massacred population (Jan Vansina estimated that around 50% of the Congolese population died of causes directly related to colonial presence during the early colonial period)…are these not things that could carry the currently towards poverty and violent conflict, and thus towards some of the ‘evils’ described so one-sidedly by the administrator’s tirade? I believe that my friends’ general acceptance of the letter was also shaded by a failure to reflect on the aspect of colonialism that continues to burden Congolese communities. The chaos that has passed for the last 50 years would certainly have unfolded differently had communities not been shattered, resources plundered, and militias armed and delineated by many of the institutions hoisted up high by those remembering a ‘belle époque’ in Congo.

It is thus true that independence is never enough. It’s a matter of having an enabled population demanding and to take advantage of this independence. We are certainly not lacking this in eastern Congo; tomorrow there will undoubtedly be storms of people rushing down to the military zone to let administrators and soldiers know their frustration to be handcuffed from action despite their Constitution, their freedom, and their independent state. However, the real test of this freedom is the state’s response, and it’s ability to create a state capable of deflecting and disproving wholesale criticism of Congolese like that thrown out by the aging administrator.

Ned Meerdink

This last Wednesday, I was fortunate to visit one of Arche d’Alliance’s ongoing programs in Makobola, which is a village forming the border between Uvira Territory and Fizi Territory in South Kivu. The program is called ‘Le Noyaux de Paix’ and the goal is assembling villagers into small committees in areas lacking security, so that these committees can discuss collective actions to better their security while at the same time providing Arche d’Alliance with accurate information concerning security and human rights violations in hostile regions of South Kivu. The Makobola group, having about 30 members, is merely one ‘nut’ (noyaux=nut) working in a network which now spans 7 remote villages. Importantly, the groups work to maintain a steady gender balance, as male-dominated committees tend to leave out some of the most egregious violations occurring daily in South Kivu, such as violent rape and women’s abduction into sex slavery by rebel groups living in the villages. Because of the Makobola group’s permanent residence in Makobola, they were able to provide significant information concerning soldier movements in the area and their accompanying violations, as well and hope-inspiring details about their collective work to change the security in Makobola.

Me waiting to begin the Makobola conference (vice-president of the committee is the man to the left)

Me waiting to begin the Makobola conference (vice-president of the committee is the man to the left)

The Wednesday meeting began by the committee’s general security report, where the group was asked to report on the various human rights abuses they had witnessed or heard about from other credible sources in Makobola. Makobola remains caught in the center of hostilities between FARDC (Congolese government soldiers) and the Mai-Mai militia, which is technically a non-state armed group but enjoys large chunks of financing coming from Kinshasa. Does this sound strange to anyone else? Two Kinshasa funded armed groups (wearing, in fact, the same uniforms) turning their arms against each other and often the civilians the government in Kinshasa is technically paying them to protect does seem like a stretch, but working in Congo for two years has taught me some valuable lessons. Notably, ‘When considering the actions Congolese armed state and non-state armed forces, an appropriate suspension of disbelief is more than helpful.’ Want to get even more confused? Consider this: It is well-known that elements of the FDLR (Rwandan ex-Interhawme) are also occupying places in Mai-Mai and FARDC brigades. Since last December, the Mai-Mai and FARDC have been charged with ELIMINATING the FDLR threat in their regions, which seems unlikely given that both groups often fight and pillage alongside these FDLR rebels who began arriving in Congo after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Again, suspension of disbelief…

The Makobola Noyaux de Paix committee was pleased to share these developments with us, only asking that contacts be made to curtail negative situations. This is where Arche d’Alliance comes in. Violations reported in a specific manner are run through Arche d’Alliance’s legal assistance system, whereby gross violations of human rights and the perpetrators can be punished. I am obligated to report that the vast number of violations go unreported or uninvestigated, as Arche d’Alliance has limited resources and villagers often have shame to report crimes committed against them. This combination creates an ever-growing list of violations, but efforts are being made by NGO’s like Arche d’Alliance to chip away at this list.

As noted earlier, there are a total of 7 groups in villages with similar security problems as Makobola. As staffers and aid workers are always limited relative to the problems in eastern Congo, the groups maximize on the know how and experiences of villagers across South Kivu. As the committees formed by Arche d’Alliance continue to grow, so does the power of villagers to have a hand in their security on a very real level. If villages waited for larger NGOs to arrive to begin working through these problems with them, they’d likely be kept waiting much longer. But, if communities are empowered through systems like Le Noyaux de Paix work can be done to change the tide of violence with no more than a dedicated group of locals willing to declare their human rights and demand the end of atrocities committed against civilians in eastern Congo.

This month's conference in Makobola concerned the role of women in Congolese democracy

This month's conference in Makobola concerned the role of women in Congolese democracy

Adding to the potency of the groups is the educational aspect of each meeting. After the briefing is delivered by the particular committee, there is an educational seminar held which is open to the general public. This month’s Makobola seminar revolved around the role women will play in both the local and national elections. Both men and women were invited to speak on their feeling about women’s role in democratic societies, and in particular the importance of women voting in the coming elections. As women are overwhelmingly targeted and oppressed in Congolese society, and traditionally have been one of the most victimized populations during hostilities, Arche d’Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo tried to stress the point that women need participate in great numbers to have their voices heard. Also discussed were parts of Congolese society that keep women from voting or presenting their candidature for offices in the government. Mentioned were the disproportionate workload at home women cope with, the traditional practice to deny education to young girls in families needing additional labor, and the intimidation of women hoping to initiate change within society.

Arche d'Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo speaking at the Makobola conference

Arche d'Alliance field worker Masumbuko Songolo speaking at the Makobola conference

After a 2 hour presentation, those present had come to important conclusions on how they could work to allow women the opportunity of more accurate representation in governmental and local politics. There were more than a few exasperated whines from men once the suggestion was made that they begin to prepare meals alongside their wives to free them up to participate in civic life, but the overwhelming majority was in full support. One of the realities in Congo benefiting the spread of information after such a conference is the fact that Congolese are a deeply social people, and tend to share their ideas and experiences with others. Thus, those not even at the meeting and seminar last Wednesday have probably already heard about the meeting’s contents. With this, a group of 30 or 40 offered some new perspectives quickly becomes an entire village. That is a reason to look toward the future in Makobola with a sense of hope, as the people I spoke with clearly had the determination and open-minded approach to allow for improvements in security, civic participation, and women’s empowerment—and share what they’ve heard with their neighbors.

Ned Meerdink

This last Tuesday, the 16^th of June, communities across sub-Saharan Africa remembered the massacres of Soweto township children by the South African Apartheid regime in 1976. On this annual day of remembrance, organizations in Uvira dedicated to the protection of Congolese children organized various events to highlight the precarious position of children in eastern Congo.

The dangers Congolese children face are probably not unfamiliar to many reading this blog. Congolese fortunate to pass into adulthood have typically navigated their way through a maze of threats against their well-being; forced recruitment into armed militias, sexual violence, untreated illnesses, hunger, and the overwhelming regional insecurity in eastern Congo all contribute to a situation demanding better protection of children and efforts to unite them. The theory among local activists dedicated to the protection and promotion of children is that events organized to educate children and introduce them to methods of protecting themselves make meaningful steps not only towards limiting conflict in eastern Congo (children continue to form large parts of non-state armed groups) but also teach children to live safer lives within the surrounding conflict. The reality that hostilities here are not on their way to disappearing forces children to have strong defenses in order to allow them the opportunity to grow up and hopefully enjoy a more peaceful future. The urgency of similar initiatives is clear. Offensives by rebel groups like the CNDP, LRA, and FDLR occurring over the last 6 months in North and South Kivu have shown that the occupation of villages is only one of numerous goals of armed groups. Rebel groups typically have as a periphery goal the mass victimization of children. Kidnapping children from their homes to fight or to act as ammunition porters, sex slaves, or domestic servants is still the norm. Educational initiatives and the encouragement of more cohesive communities, especially among vulnerable children, have offered a way to cut away at this trend.

On the 16^th this year, I was in Sange village, about 50km north of Uvira, to view activities planned by CEJEDER, a local organization advocating for children’s protection. As Sange is centrally located within Mai-Mai and FDD (Burundian rebels) territory, children there have traditionally faced forced recruitment and sexual violence at the hands of rebels. The prolonged conflict in Sange has also unfortunately left countless orphans, all whom lack the guidance and security usually provided by parent-run households. I saw the seriousness of the insecurity last November in Sange when rebel-led killings occurred early morning before demonstrations planned for the ‘Journée Mondiale pour le Refus de la Misère.’ Fortunately, activities passed well and without other incidents, and we had hundreds of children arriving to demonstrate their solidarity and their common interest improving life in Sange.

Walking towards Sange to begin the June 16 events

Walking towards Sange to begin the June 16 events

The events planned for this year’s June 16 commemoration by CEJEDER included theater performances, a football match, and a discussion/debate concerning issues affecting children in Sange. The theater piece concerned familial relations within child-led households, and some of the difficulties that arrive in daily decision-making (e.g. Who from our house will go to school this term? What are the consequences in sending your siblings to steal for your family’s food supply? What are the consequences in sending children to agricultural fields alone to cultivate?). Theater has a unique place in Congolese culture, and children react very positively to seeing their daily dramas played out before their eyes, especially when the theatre offers alternative conclusions, advice, and ways of thinking about a particular problem. Amisi Pele, from CEJEDER, told me that kids often laugh along with the theater but later begin to reevaluate their own situations when the pieces reflect parts of their lives. He went further to say that bit by bit, community interventions like those of the theater group in Sange, ‘Aurore du Sud,’ work to break down destructive practices and encourage communities to develop support structures for children, often a community’s most vulnerable population.

Children in Sange waiting to begin the debate and theatre portions of the day

Children in Sange waiting to begin the debate and theatre portions of the day

Not all the events this year had a ‘point’ as clearly defined as theater and group discussions. Some events (football match, beignet-eating contest, a meal with the MONUC soldiers, etc.) are not designed to have a tangible result, but just to let kids in Sange have a breath of fresh air, a reason to relax, and a break from the overwhelmingly difficult lives they live in South Kivu. The value of this is obviously open to attack by more pragmatic thinking, but, in my opinion, it was one of the best parts of this year’s June 16^th commemoration. It is heartening to see a besieged population retaining the ability to let down their defense mechanisms and enjoy themselves, even if only for a few hours. Hopefully, future local and international efforts to pacify the East and bring some security to places like Sange will allow this feeling to be more than temporary. After too many years, a little relief is more than owed to Congolese unfortunate enough to be living on one of the world’s great [military and political] battlefields.

Ned Meerdink

MONUC soldiers bring rice for the participants

MONUC soldiers bring rice for the participants

graf1

A walk through Uvira’s most heavily militarized zone (not counting rebel/Mai-Mai areas) directly south of my home reveals a wealth of information concerning the present relationship between civilians across Uvira and the FARDC, the Congolese military. This weekend, I took advantage of the recent calm throughout Uvira to visit the militarized zone and came away with a few new perspectives.

Beyond being a quartier dominated by bombed-out and bullet-ridden buildings, FARDC military encampments, and Belgian colonial houses currently occupied by any number of FARDC troops, ‘the Zone,’ as it is not so affectionately called, has become a staging ground for a variety of public outcries against the FARDC’s consistent negligence in terms of civilian protection and enforcement of regional security. Manifestations and marches often aim their sites at the Zone, forcing the FARDC there to address their complaints and demands for changes within the military, in particular their demands for better treatment and protection of civilians. In 2007, after a series of violent FARDC rapes in civilian houses unlucky enough to be located in the Zone, large marches of protest were organized in front of the houses then housing FARDC generals and commanders, pleading with them to punish FARDC rapists and tighten their control over their soldiers. This, of course, wasn’t ever realized. When I visited the Zone after these marches, I ended up wandering into an abandoned building, not particularly different than any other in the area. Nothing remarkable happened at all and I went on my way as normal.

These days I walk through the Zone area pretty frequently, but this last time I was surprised to remember where the abandoned building I had seen in 2007 was located, and decided to walk in to see if anything interesting had changed since I was last there. The situation in the Zone certainly has changed during the years past, as the number of soldiers has increased significantly in an effort to draw soldiers from more secure areas into Uvira to respond to different rebel-led ‘incidents’ in the area since December. A huge camp has seemingly sprung up out of nowhere, full of Bashi (Bukavu origin) soldiers where there once was a completely deserted beach and unused factory full of spent ammunition shells. As most of the unoccupied buildings in the area have been taken up quickly by the influx of new FARDC soldiers, I was surprised to see no one inside, but quickly noticed a new addition on the walls. In charcoal, there was graffiti written all over the walls, new enough that touching it left black smudges on my hands. Considering the changing situation in the Zone, these writings summarized to me a lot of what I have heard from the Uvira community concerning the failings of the FARDC.

graf2

This first writing (above) drawing my attention read: ‘LA PITIE NE FAIT PAS LA FORCE DE L’ARMEE.’ This is a sentiment which I hear almost daily, speaking of the ruthlessness of the FARDC towards Congolese civilians in comparison to their relatively careless treatment (or ‘pitie’) of the rebels surrounding Congolese towns. Let us not forget the FARDC’s tendency to flee combat from worthy rebel adversaries, while abusing the civilians during the flight. Look to the incidents in Goma and Kalehe in December 2008 for this part of the story.

graf3

Another writing (above), written in Swahili, commented, ‘FARDC KEDA NA ULIMZI.’ Translated, this writing seemed more like a warning, telling the FARDC to ‘WATCH CLOSELY THE BAD SECURITY.’ Written in an imperative tone, this is more of a demand than a request or suggestion, and summarizes the frustration of civilians here. Many years have passed with Congolese all but begging the FARDC to pull themselves together, get their jobs done, and redirect themselves towards increasing security rather than destroying it.

Whichever way you look at images like these, one intention of anonymous graffiti in a military zone is to have it read. Obviously, the person or people writing in the abandoned building in the Zone in Uvira had something to say to the FARDC camped out around the corner. Unfortunately, given that Kabila and others in Kinshasa aren’t listening to General Assembly members pleading the case of increasing the peace the East, it is unlikely that they’ll ever listen any more attentively to the writing on the wall despite it’s logic.

In a region of the world where no governmental bodies seem to work, where the government has lost control of its military and its borders, and where the national military is largely considered as much of a predatory force as the rebels, there are a lot of messages which need to be sent which generally go unheard.

Ned Meerdink

One of many empty FARDC posts in South Kivu

One of many empty FARDC posts in South Kivu

*Sorry for the delay in updating the blog if you’ve been following it, but I was out of town visiting my sister in Malawi. Rosamond et al, thanks for the hospitality and I hope all is well in Lilongwe.*

I last wrote about my friend Clément a few months ago, so I wanted to give an update on one of the projects we’ve been working on and provide some links to some of the information Clément has posted on the Tunza Mazingira blog site.

Besides the many evident difficulties troubling eastern Congo, there are some threatening Congo as a whole. Environmental degradation, from the era of Leopold II onto the present, has remained a permanent feature in Congo, and one often going unaddressed due to the seemingly more urgent needs such as curtailing the violent conflict and addressing rampant food insecurity. The low priority of environmental protection in reference to other issues throughout Congo also persists due to the complete breakdown of the law in general due to continuing hostilities (i.e. Even if there were codes limiting deforestation and regulating seeing/tree replacement quotas for timber traders and enterprises, who has the time, money, and infrastructure to enforce them in light of the day-to-day reality in Congo?).

The importance of the protection of Congo’s natural resources cannot be overstated. Everything from the civilian food supply to job opportunities in resource extraction done in a sustainable manner depends on environmental protection. This is not to leave out the more temporally distant (and well-known) catastrophes which can occur due to a disjointed vision of conservation and environmental protection such as climate change and mass exodus of soil nutrients in agricultural areas after all of the trees and nitrogen fixers have been removed. Many human rights groups have also commented on the fact the environmental degradation in Congo has further intensified the war, as less and less arable land is available, resulting in potentially hostile armed groups vying for the same plots of land.

Because of the lack of state protection of the environment, it is often the case in eastern Congo that local and international NGOs ‘pick up the slack’ to at least make small changes on local levels, if not only to send a clear message that the needs of the environment need to be addressed on a large scale.

In Uvira, one of the main issues Clément has been working on is a reduction of makala (Swahili for ‘charcoal’) dependency experienced by every family for their daily cooking. Because of the lack of electricity here, people use a type of charcoal derived from the eucalyptus tree. The basic process for making makala is: 1) strip up to half a hectare of eucalyptus trees, 2) dig a series of large holes, 3) cover the eucalyptus with smaller branches from surrounding trees (as kindling) and mud, 4) light the holes on fire, and leave them to simmer for three or four days. Interestingly, the smell of these fires is pretty much the signature smell of eastern Congo, experienced in any car ride or walk in North or South Kivu. The odor is actually pouring into my house as I write this. Not offensive at all actually, but ever present.

This of course results in big problems maintaining the forests in eastern Congo, as everyone needs to cook and makala is pretty much the only way to do it. The scarcity of eucalyptus trees due to the constant cutting is making life expensive for Congolese-In 2005, the price for a burlap sack of about 100 kg was $5, which lasts the average family about a week; larger families of over 10 people (not uncommon) go through this sack in about 4 days. For the moment, the price for the 100 kg sack has escalated to $22. Those selling makala say the price increase is due in small part to natural inflation but that the majority of the increase is due to recent lack of eucalyptus in traditional areas, and the need to go to more remote areas by diesel trucks to prepare makala.

Here’s where Clément comes in. He’s been experimenting with an alternative type of cooking material that beats makala in almost every category. It’s easier to light, burns longer, is infinitely cheaper, burns at a higher temperature, and requires only small amounts of wood to use. Forgive me if this is beginning to sound like the TV advertisements for the Ab Roller or the knives that cut through tin cans…

Lucky to have met with a UN fieldworker in Beni (Ituri Province) interested in conservation, Tunza Mazingira got $150 initial financing for the construction of a wood press capable of making 500 125g briquettes for cooking per day, all from waste materials like banana peels, sugar cane peels, manioc peels, and pretty much any organic waste or would-be compost material available in eastern Congo. The average family will use 5-10 briquettes per meal, which could make a significant difference in family budgets, as well as in the rate of deforestation. Of course, this all depends on the idea of alternative cooking materials catching on, as well as the availability of enough briquette presses to supply an increasing demand of briquettes if people like the alternative to makala.

One type of briquette material in a bombula

One type of briquette material in a bombula

In order to properly burn the briquettes, families need to have a modified bombula (a metal cooker that traditionally uses makala) or the type of bombula typically used to prepare meals in Burundi. Many families already use the latter type of bombula, and the modification for the bombula typically used in Congo costs about $3.

Traditional bombula modified to burn 100g briquettes

Traditional bombula modified to burn 100g briquettes

To make the briquettes, you basically need a team of three people. One person begins in the morning collecting organic waste (50kg) and accomplishes this pretty quickly as there is really no where to put garbage here besides in holes near people’s houses. People aren’t too concerned with giving you their garbage free. This trash is then processed to a pulp by all three people, and mixed with an appropriate amount of water to make a product a bit stiffer than bread dough. The original tests were done with a small proportion of wood shavings from local furniture builders. This makes a nice briquette that lights quickly, but the wood can easily be substituted out in the event that the shavings are not available. For example, sugar cane stalks (people chew them but spit out the tough material that is leftover after all the water is sucked out) work equally well. Then, this mixture is put in the press and pressed into briquettes, which are left in the sun to dry for a day or two. The photos I hope I can upload will give you an image of this process, but it results in at least 500 briquettes by the mid-afternoon (plus drying time), which supplies free and sustainable cooking fuel for a family for maybe two weeks.

The press in action, with the briquette materials ready and mixed in the buckets

The press in action, with the briquette materials ready and mixed in the buckets

Clément told me that he has numerous ideas for where this current project could go given the proper input. First, he’d like to secure additional funding to build 5 more presses, which could be distributed to 5 different quartiers in Uvira. He has identified groups of demobilized female militia soldiers in each quartier, and hopes that this might be an work opportunity for them, depending on how the project developed. Thus, the briquette presses act as an environmental and social service, creating jobs for women (often times girls) considering rejoining the militias due to lack of an occupation and at the same time minimizing makala dependency and the environmental degradation which accompanies this. In addition, Clément is looking to scratch together a few hundred dollars to encourage families in the quartiers to modify their bombulas to use the alternative briquettes. He assumes that if he can encourage the modification of bombulas, (using small amounts of financing to pay for the modification, rather than waiting for families to get $3 to perform the modification) that the idea may catch on and make it possible citizens to prepare their meals less expensively as well make small contributions to conserving trees.

Briquettes ready to dry

Briquettes ready to dry

In my opinion, the briquette project Tunza Mazingira is working on is a prime example of the cleavage between social and environmental issues, given that the deforestation in eastern Congo has shown itself to dangerous for both the environment and people’s budgets. So, I am really encouraged by Clément’s idea and vision, and I anticipate seeieng how everything develops. If you are interested in reading more about Tunza Mazingira and the briquette project in progress, take a look at their blog, www.tunzamazingirardc.blogspot.com. If you are interested but not a French-speaker, definitely feel free to contact me at meerdinkned@gmail.com and I will get Clément your message.

Ned Meerdink

PS: We can’t take complete credit for the idea, as we found it on the internet. You can look at the plans and theory we followed at the Legacy Foundation website, www.legacyfound.org.

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03/05/09

Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu: Supporting Women Journalists in Congo

Posted By: Ned

For the last three days, I have been working in outside of Bukavu (north of Uvira) with a local organization called the Association des Femmes des Medias du Sud Kivu (AFEM-SK), which works to develop the next generation of female journalists in Congo, offering young women practical field experience and access to the media which unfortunately isn’t readily available to women in Congo. Listening to the radio and reading through the small amount of print media available here, it is clear that Congolese media is a field largely populated by men, which leads to an often one-sided representation of current news and issues in Congo.

Because of the problems that have overwhelmed women in Congo concerning sexual violence and general second-class status, the approach of AFEM-SK is a necessary one in order to tell the entire story of what is happening in Congo. While making a field visit in Kaniola, the site of a recent massacre in which the soldiers (FDLR rebels) raped the village’s women after killing many of their husbands and their children, I saw one huge strength in AFEM-SK’s approach that I was not expecting: Speaking to a female journalist, in many instances, seems to make it easier for raped women (who often carry the well-known social stigma and shame after the incident) to tell their stories in a clear manner, to a journalist who might sympathize with their pain in ways in which a male journalist could not. As the women working for AFEM-SK are themselves all Congolese, born and raised, they are victim to the same threatening atmosphere and state-wide subjugation of women, and have the same type of fear concerning the rampant sexual violence in eastern Congo. Speaking to the rape victims profiled in Kaniola, I could see the victims relating their experiences in a brutally honest and candid manner, all in an atmosphere free from judgement or stigma. One woman, Bora, talked of being dragged into the forest and raped first by four FDLR soldiers, who then proceeded to rape her using broken-off branches of trees. While this was happening, other soldiers took her husband into the woods nearby and sodomized him. The physical pain has not subsided since, and she mentioned that the emotional pain endured is slowly eased by speaking of her experiences, in particular with other women.

The head of AEFM-SK, Chouchou Namegabe Dubisson, has also been awarded for her work in Congo by Vital Voices, and will be present in Washington D.C. with my friend Marceline. Chouchou has been active in journalism for many years, and is well known for her educational theatre pieces aired on Radio Mandeleo, which spoke of everything from how to protect women from HIV/AIDS to how to increase the amount of equality between women and men in the household. Since beginning AFEM in 2003, she has also worked with her staff to report on sexual violence in South Kivu, attempting to offer the perspective of raped women to audiences across Congo, in order to begin changing the mentality of those who accept rape in Congo as a given, and an unsolvable problem. With her experience, Chouchou also trains other women journalists, hoping to increase the amount of women present in Congolese media, especially in leadership roles. With a staff full of well-trained women journalists, fluent in the local languages as well as French, it seems that AFEM-SK is bound to succeed in promoting women in Congolese media. In addition, many of the staff members are graduates of Centre Lokole’s (Search For Common Ground) “Sisi Watoto” program for young journalists, and thus have gained lots of expertise at a young age even before working with Chouchou. Thus, AFEM-SK provides a valuable space for women graduated from the program, who are often, despite years of experience, blocked from gaining key positions in the media.

Parts of the video footage and victim profiles we took at the site of the Kaniola massacre will be shown at this year’s Vital Voices awards in Washington D.C. if you are interested in seeing the footage.

If there seems to be an overwhelming theme from these last few blog entries that sexual violence against Congolese women continues without any real promise of accountability or justice, I’d agree. However, local NGOs like SOS Femmes en Dangers and AFEM-SK work to change this, and from the last two weeks of work with both organizations, it is clear that the system, with proper pressure applied, can be changed. There are talented women in every town and village with the goal of protecting vulnerable populations. The media has continually proved itself to be an essential tool for forcing societal change, and hopefully increased recognition of those working for this will aid in the process and increase the safety of Congolese women. The FDLR are still here, but they know, as does everyone else, that there are many reporting on their violence and working to empower women to resist and force their society to change. While there is no hope for stopping sexual violence in Congo in its tracks, there is overwhelming evidence, like that which I saw in Kaniola, that there is a real opportunity to slow the tide and force the state to recognize the problem and condemn it, given the proper representation of the problem in the media by groups like AFEM-SK.

So try to get to the Vital Voices Awards in March (the 19th) if you have the chance, and hear these stories for yourselves and find out how you might be able to help Chouchou and Marceline, and in turn Congolese women in general.

Ned Meerdink

This last week, I have been in Fizi Territory, which is the province directly south of Uvira, where I am now living. Although Fizi is really only about 200km (about 125 miles) from Uvira, Congo never fails to turn what should be a relatively simple trip into something altogether different. Our original plan was to get to Fizi 10 or 11 hours after leaving from Uvira.

The lack of roads between Uvira and Fizi was not surprising, but what was unexpected was the week of rain that preceded the trip south, turning the dirt tracks to deep mud. After going only about 50km toward Fizi in a UN Land Rover, we were pretty much swallowed into a big hole, with mud up to the car doors. After a couple hours spent trying to get the car moving again, we realized that this was futile, as the tracks only got worse after Mianda (the closest village to where the Land Rover was stopped). So, we abandoned the Land Rover with the driver, hoping that another NGO would come along to help tow him out of the hole. The 4 of us left on foot bringing along 60 liters of gas and the video equipment, which we were using to document the programs of SOS Femmes en Dangers in Fizi for a short film to be shown at this year’s Vital Voices GLA Awards (see blog posting below concerning the work of Marceline and SOS Femmes en Dangers). We were lucky enough to find an NGO motorcycle along the route, who offered to move us 1-by-1 towards our final destination in Kazimia. Thus, 10 hours as predicted quickly became 30, not including the night we passed in a village in between the abandoned car and Kazimia. The people in the village (called Kikonde) where we stayed that night were surprised to see 4 unknown mud covered people coming into their village, but they were more they were really generous, and found us some food (smoked fish and fou-fou) and a place to sleep.

Finally arriving in Kazimia about a day late, I started making rounds right away to let all the necessary people know I was in the village and that I would be taking video. When arriving in Congolese villages not accustomed to having foreigners walking around, the first thing you always have to do is meet with the representatives from the militias, local administrators, intelligence officers, etc. so that they can help you stay safe (by letting you know if there is any fighting in the area and where not to go) and also so that they are completely aware that you are authorized to be working in the area, thus making it harder for them to harass you, put you in prison, order you out of the village, etc. It might seem strange to let shady types know where you are and what you are doing, but my experience tells me that if I am upfront and make sure each potential problem group knows I am there, things go a lot better. Taking video in Congo is always a sensitive subject, especially when filming something shameful to the Congolese government like their inability to protect their women from rape and other violence, which was the nature of the video we shot. Thus, a little “grease” money is always in order, and 3,000 Congolese francs (about $4) usually does the trick to get you full access and a signed letter from each local official and militia leader more or less authorizing you to be filming. It’s a shame that this is the case, but it is what it is and anyone working in Congo knows that all efforts to resist the occasional bribe to get things moving will eventually be trumped by reality and the fact that most officials and soldiers here are unpaid, and used to extracting their salary wherever possible. They are definitely okay with making your life difficult and your work impossible without a small payout.

That accomplished, we were finally able to start filming, albeit about 1 day and a half behind schedule.
The projects SOS Femmes en Dangers we were to film were located in Kazimia, Mboko, and Makobolo, and all were really impressive but difficult to stomach at the same time. In Mboko, we visited and interviewed some of the 125 women spending the day at Marceline’s reception center for recently raped women. The women were encouraged to see that even a small amount of international attention was being focused on the struggle of Congolese women to recover from often brutal rapes, but were realistic in asserting that despite their denunciations of rape by militias, government soldiers, and civilians, the government is largely incapable of protecting them. The sheer number of women at the reception center was a testament to their solidarity and will to defend themselves, but also to the fact that the presence of sexual violence in Congo is continuing without signs of slowing down. At the reception center, one of Marceline’s co-workers who manages the center (we profiled and interviewed her as well) told us that besides the rampant raping of women, Congolese society views women as having “…11 arms. Enough to do all of the work at the house, cultivate the fields, and raise the children while the many men pass their time doing nothing.” She added that constant denunciation of the poor treatment of Congolese women could eventually have a positive result in improving their situation, but that this was impossible without addressing the fact that often raped women are left by their husbands and thus live without support. One woman we interviewed spoke on similar lines, telling us that she was recently raped by four FDD soldiers (Burundian rebels) and that after her husband heard of the rape, he threw her out of the house.

SOS Femmes en Dangers responds to the need for income generation among women abandoned by their families by offering centers like the one we visited in Kazimia, where a sewing workshop and communal field has been established. Through these two operations, women are given options and small amounts of income (they sell the clothes they make and the food they harvest) with which they can continue to live and support their children. The women interviewed at the sewing workshop commented that the work was going well and that they felt increasingly empowered to have a form of income, but concluded that the lack of enough machines and fabric was really holding the center back from helping the huge numbers of raped and abandoned women trying to work at the workshop. Marceline’s field worker told us that while over 300 have arrived to try to get into the program, only about 50 or 60 at a time can do so due to the space and material limitations. The market is there, but the input (capital) is lacking.

One of the stories of recently raped women we heard repeated over and over was that they are most vulnerable when they are tending their fields. Because of the long work day, they will often leave their houses at 4 am, a time when those traveling the road are still vulnerable to militias/rebels/robbers who are generally more active between the hours of 11 pm and 6 am in the rural parts of Congo. Arriving at the fields to endless work, women often are forced to pass the night in their fields, where they build temporary shelters to avoid the long walk home late at night and to make it easier to begin work early the next day. Te respond to this, SOS Femmes en Dangers has purchased community fields, not far from the main track through Kazimia and Mboko, where women are safer to cultivate and encouraged to do so in large groups, as they are less vulnerable in larger numbers. This year’s mavuno (harvest) of corn, manioc (used to make fou-fou), and ground nuts is predicted to be a good one, and will allow the women cultivating the communal fields to generate income in a safer atmosphere than their previous fields located in isolated regions far from the center of the village.

So, it is obvious that the problems for Congolese women are nowhere near their end, but if any positive can be drawn from my short time in Fizi this last trip it is that the women here refuse to submit silently to their abuse. An attitude of “silent shame” is being replaced by a more proactive one, and that process is definitely expedited by the work women like the those we met in Fizi are fearlessly undertaking. If you could see the region, you’d realize that there is no protection for women besides their solidarity. “Remote” does not begin to describe it. As Marceline discusses regularly with women concerning how to decrease their vulnerability, walking to the fields together is a start, supporting those who are raped without prejudice helps, and rallying together against those abusers of human rights will go a long way in time.

There were lots of other visits worth noting, but I’ll just say quickly that we saw great things being done in the most difficult of situations in Fizi. The women we spoke to were empowered, organized, and fighting for increased independence and increased recognition of their human rights, which are regularly violated in what has traditionally been a lawless place. I had gotten some emails asking for more information on SOS Femmes en Dangers and Marceline, so hopefully this blog has responded to those. I should be in FIzi again with Marceline and her co-workers towards the 8th of March, where we are making one final field visit before her trip to Washington D.C. to be present at the Vital Voices Awards. You can see her profile here on the vital Voices website if you need more information, and thanks for reading the blog. I’m hoping to turn some of the interviews taken in Fizi into profiles to be used for an upcoming SOS Femmes en Dangers advocacy campaign which we are trying to organize or April. If you’d be interested in receiving the profiles or campaign information sometime in April, please feel free to comment on the blog and I’ll get back to you.

Ned Meerdink