It is interesting to hear how differently the two groups in Lelmolok Internally Displaced Persons Camp addressed the challenges that they are facing now:

Group 1:

(1)No house

(2) Leaking tents

(3) Lack food

(4) Lack safe water for drinking

(5) Poor sanitation and health care

(6)Exposure of women to rapes and children to molestation

(7) Hostile community environment

Group 2:

(1)   The fear holds the community from making any investment and development

(2)   Land Ownership is still not guaranteed

(3)   Local employment policy is against hiring Kikuyus—So no job more than farming, no extra income

(4)   Local government corrupted aid goods

(5)   Food shortage

(6)   Insecurity

The first group was all consisted by Kikuyu women and the second group was all consisted by Kikuyu men.

Why there is such a big difference between women’s thoughts and men’s even those women and men are family members and experienced the same trauma due to the 2007 post-election violence?

“(It is because) the day-to-day life of women and men are so different.” A community development assistant said during the community facilitator training held by Ms. Abby Onencan, a global advisor of Vital Voices in Nanyuki, Kenya.

On the contrarary with busy women, men in Eldoret Lelmolok IDP Camp still have leisure time to play chess.

On the contrarary with busy women, men in Eldoret Lelmolok IDP Camp still have leisure time to play chess.

Although the Kikuyu communities in Nanyuki are different from the ones in Eldoret, they share the commons of social background on the issue of gender balance.

During that workshop, under Ms. Abby Onencan’s entitlement, I, as a fellow of Vital Voices and The Advocacy Project, conducted a session of Gender Awareness and Gender Balance in Community Development to the local governors who take in charge of empowering the community in their wards.  The participants were divided into three groups to profile 24-hour life of a typical local Kikuyu woman/man/youth from their communities.

The man’s character was described by the first group of CDAs as a 35-year-old unemployed farmer and his daily life was profiled as below:

On 5:00 a.m., he wakes up the women in his family and goes back to sleep. On 7:00a.m., he gets up to milk the cows and takes the milk to nearest dairy. From 8 to 9, he takes the breakfast prepared by his wife and gives order to his wife and children. From 9 to 10, he collects folders for the cows and goes to his farm to till the land until 1:00 p.m. He then takes the prepared lunch. After watering animals and repairing fence, he walks to the local market for news. During the whole four hours from 4p.m. to 8 p.m., he is drinking spray and talking with other men about politics. Around 8p.m., he goes back home, takes prepared supper, enjoys entertainment such as watching TV and A.O.B, and then sleeps.

Compared with this typical local Kikuyu man’s daily schedule, activities that a normal local Kikuyu woman did in a normal day, described by the second group of participants, exploded over the table on the flipchart.

5:00 a.m  She gets up and prey. Then she lights the fire, prepares the breakfast for her husband and children and takes the older children to schools.

6:00- 7:00 a.m. She assists her husband & younger children to dress up, feeds animals, fetches water, etc.*

7:00-10:00 a.m.  She fetches food for family and animals, etc.

10:00- 11:00 a.m. She attends community meeting, feeds animals, etc

11:00a.m.- 1:00 p.m. She prepares lunch for the family and then takes her lunch.

1:00-2:00 p.m. She goes to the local market for marketing.

2:00-4:00 p.m. She fetches firewood and water, etc.

4:00-6:00 p.m. She prepares supper, etc.

6:00-8:00 p.m. She feeds the family, cleans up the home, waters the animals, watches the children to do homework, etc.

8:00-10:00 p.m. She washes clothes for her husband and children, takes a bath, A.O.B. and sleeps.

I was having a headache by just listening to and writing down all these activities done by this represented woman character. According to one definition of working–“activity involving mental and physical effort done to achieve a purpose or result”–the typical local Kikuyu women work 17 hours a day, compared with 7 hours a day for local kikuyu men.

However, represented by the characters in this profile, women in Kenyan rural area work so much but barely do anything that advances themselves. Or, women work so much (on basic housework) so that they do not have time to advance themselves by talking about politics, reading or receiving any education. Or, the reason that they have to work so much is because they do not have alternative methods to raise themselves or to be independent.

Even more sadly, women in Kenyan rural area work so much only for increasing the family properties that are not under their control. While the men in the families who work much less hold main accesses, benefits and controls on most family assets such as houses, land, cows, goats, furniture, electricity, etc, women only have their total control on the chickens. The only benefit that women can obtain from these assets is domestic use. (For example, they can drink the milk milked from the cows that belong to their families.)

Women’s loads, in the rural of Kenya, yet end up with just feeding their husbands. The youth, who graduated from schools without being employed, also rely on their mothers– they only work for 4 hours per day with little income and waste the rest of the day by doing nothing. (Also shown by the profile mentioned above) No wonder the Kalenjin youth in Eldoret were so easily “incited” by a “salary” of 300 shilling/day, paid by local politician, to constantly cause violence against Kikuyus in this region post the election in 2007.

At the end of this post, I guess it is not hard to answer several questions about the gender issue in rural Kenya.

Who work most? Women. Who benefit least from their working? Women. Who suffer most during and post the social traumas such as the 2007 election violence? Women.

How to solve this gender imbalance?

The answer for this question is probably not as easy as “empowering women”, as the gender issue is not about women but the relations between women and men.

To better balance the relations between genders in Kenya, the hope may be left for the next generation under RFH mentorship program.

To better balance the relations between genders in Kenya, the hope may be left for the next generation under RFH mentorship program.

*etc means there were some activities were not written down due to limited space on the flip chart.

While women in Eldoret Lelmolok IDP Camp were trying to do everything to make their family tent as a home, men just wonder their life by playing chess all days.

Women in Eldoret Lelmolok IDP Camp were trying to do everything to make their family tent as a home.

“It is because women and men are different.” It is even not an answer.

James Muiruri, 15 years old, a student in class 8 and a mentee within Ripe For Harvest Eldoret Mentorship Program. He and his family (parents, sisters and brothers) recently are still living in the Lelmolok IDP Camp in Eldoret.

The chairman Charles Wakibia of RFH Mentorship Program was walking with his mentees.

The chairman Charles Wakibia of RFH Mentorship Program was walking with his mentees.

AP fellow Luna Liu interviewed James on 15th, July about his experiences during the 2007 post-election violence and his opinion about the RFH program. (Luna as L and James as J)

L: What happened to you post 2007 election?

J: On the night that the election result was declared, my parents’ house was burnt. My family lost almost all the animals and food, and I lost my books and uniforms.

L: How did this night and the whole turmoil impact you?

J: I realized that I need to study harder in order to help my parents in future as I saw most-uneducated people suffered most during the violence…Since we moved to the camp, I gained more awareness about basic hygienic. For example, I know we need to dig the drainage around our tent to reduce mosquitoes and malaria infection… I think I am better at time management than before as I have more things to do to help my parents, compared with the time when we were living in the house.

L: What are “more” things that you have to do since living in the tent?

J: Before digging a well nearby our tent recently, we had to walk three kilometers to fetch water for family use. I need to clean the toilet more often (as it was public shared) constantly maintain the space in our tent.

L: How do you think about the Ripe For Harvest Mentorship Program during your living in the IDP Camp?

J: The mentors brought us clothes. They also told me how to live my life in the tent. They also listened to our experience, when we almost lost everything and had no hope. Their visiting let me feel that I am not forgotten and I can seek help from others. My mentor sets up a good model for me—he is from a poor family and raised by his single mother, but now he is a (engineering) student in Moi University. From his experience, I knew the importance of hard working. He also taught me how to treat the local Kalenjins and now we are accepted by out Kalenjin neighbors.

L: How about your schoolmates? How did your Kalenjin schoolmates treat you post 2007 election violence?

J: Some of them said to me as “Kikuyu, go back to your own land!” But my Kalenjin friends in the school understood my situation and their attitude towards me did not change.

L: Besides your experience about the 2007 post-election violence, what else do you talk with your mentors?

J: We talked about the drug issue as some of my friends have this problem. We also talked about children trafficking as one of my close friends disappeared and we suspected that he was trafficked.

James Muiruri- A mentee in RFH Mentorship Program

L: What other activities did you do with your mentors?

J: We played soccer, jumping and volleyball. We also made jokes with each other. I am really happy to be with them.

L: What more do you think should be added to your mentorship program?

J: I wish to have more sports and academic tutoring. Also reading materials such as innovation books.

L: What things do you think should be done to prevent the same kind of trauma from happening again?

J: The fighting groups should be reconciled as I think. I am not comfortable with ICC (trial) as I think there will be more violence happening to us. A good governance is also needed.

“My parents, my relatives and I are in suspense about the release of the Waki List—We are all afraid that we may suffer from attacks once again if the Kalenjin politicians’ names are mentioned on the Waki list or their convictions found.” Said a Kikuyu primary school student within the RiPe For Harvest Mentorship Program.

The men group in Eldoret IDP camp

The ICC trial may be not enough to erase the root of Kenyan 2007-2008 post election violence, as the controversy in terms of land property had existed among Kenyan tribes post colonial period due to the land-redistribution policy announced by the first president Kenyatta after national independence. While Kalenjins, the major tribe in Eldoret, believe that President Kenyatta, as a Kikuyu, migrated a huge population of his own tribe from the Central Province to the Rift Valley Province (also as “White Highland”), where the soil is more fertilized for farming; the Kikuyu men group that we interviewed in Eldoter IDP Camp told us the other side of the story.

“Maisai was the original tribe that lived in this area (the Rift Valley). Since British Colonial, different tribes, Kikuyu, Kalenjin, Luo, etc, were brought by the white people from all parts of the country here to work in their farms. After independence, the local farmers either bought or were assigned with lands left by their former employers. It is not true that we Kikuyu obtained a larger proportion of land than other tribes.”

Another man continued, “However, the local politicians always promote the local major tribe Kalenjin with the idea that that we, Kikuyu, stole their land as a result of being favoured by President Kenyatta’s land policy. During the election campaigns in 2007, those politicians spoke to their tribal supporters as ‘if you vote for me, I will give the land back to you and let Kikuyu go back to where they came from!’”

Besides being incited by political propaganda on the issue of land, Kalenjin and other tribes, under politicians’ emotional manipulation, fear the fact that Kikuyu tribe is the majority nationwide. There is a belief among Kalenjins in Eldoret that if Kikuyu no longer held their land, they are not able to populate and therefore Kikuyu’s population will decrease, so does their economic and political power in Kenya.

If Kikuyu, a minority in this region, have been suffering so much due to the majority’s hostility that has existed for decades, why do not they move to other places where local communities are friendlier towards them? For example, the province where most residents are Kikuyus?

“If we could have this choice, we already did.” Grimly answered a Kikuyu man in the camp.

“It is not possible to sell the land here with a reasonable price as the only customers who will buy the land from us are local Kalenjins. The land only could be sold out with a very low price under their control.” He continued.

Did they seek help from governments for group resettlement in other regions?

“The local governors did not support us to do so.” Answered the men group. Ironically, the reason that Eldoret local governments refused to help group migration is because they hope to keep national tribal integration—at least, geographically.

If Kikuyus in Eldoret IDP camp do not account on ICC trial, what do they think should be done to resolve the long-lasting conflicts between them and local Kalenjins?

“We need a new legal system—A revised constitution that protects our property from locals’ intervention and uncorrupted local courts where the local criminals could be punished for what they have done to us.” Concluded the men group in IDP Camp.

For most recent report about life in Eldoret IDP Camp : Scars and Sufurias (http://www.eastandard.net/InsidePage.php?id=1144020152&cid=4), published by Standard Newspaper on Monday 27th, July.

Charles Wakibia, 21 years old, a 3rd year student majoring in Civil & Structural Engineering in Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya. He joined the Ripe for Harvest mentorship program as a mentor in October 2008. Charles had been the Chairman in the mentorship program taking in charge of 19 other mentors in Moi University.

(Left) Charles, Chairman; (Right) Francis, treasurer

Francis Cini Munyi, 22 years old, a 3rd year Mechanical and Production Engineering studentin Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya. He joined Ripe for Harvest in 2008, acting as the treasurer, programs co-coordinator and the group photo man. He was the brain behind IDP’s donations collection and Tent Repair programs for Eldoret IDP Camp. As the group photo man, he came up with the idea of the R4H pictorial page. Currently he is writing an article MY DIARY WITH THE IDP, which will cover his experiences as mentor and a friend to the Eldoret IDP.

Interview with Charles and Francis about Eldoret Mentorship Program:

* Background of Eldoret Mentorship Program:

Kenya is still recovering from post 2007 election violence and the country had a large number of internally displaced persons (IDPs). Eldoret is seriously affected by the violence. In view of this, students in Moi University decided to visit a nearby IDP camp and try to introduce the mentorship program to the adolescents who were present within the camp.

Initially it was a problem as the concept of mentoring was new and misunderstood by most parents in the camp who were hoping that the mentors were going to take their children and provide them with better living standards and a better education. Mentors therefore spent a few sessions with the parents to explain to them that what they were actually university students who were willing to share experiences with the children, in order to help them deal with the trauma obtained during the violence and guide them to become morally upright citizens in future. After most IDP resettled back to their own lands from the IDP camp this May, this mentorship program is not over but still developing, as mentors said: “Mentorship is a relationship that may last for many years.”

“We have been forgotten by the government after 2007 election violence.” Said a young Kikuyu woman, mother of two young children in the Eldoret IDP Camp.

During the most turbulent two months after the 2007 election, most Kikuyus in this region moved constantly from shelter to shelter, relying on the aid offered by their relatives and churches.

Almost one year and half after the election violence, the Kikuyu internally displaced persons are still living in the tents.

About six months after the violence, most IDPs had moved to camps across the country, such as the IDP camp in Eldoret where the tents were being supplied by the Red Cross, Catholic Relief Services, and USAID. The Kenyan government made a one-time grant of only10,000 shillings (US $130) to each household in order to cover lost or destroyed household items. And up until March this year, IDPs had been receiving food rations from the Red Cross amounting to 24 kg flour, 2 kg soybeans, 2 kg porridge flour and 1 litre of food oil per family of four per month only.

“We had to calculate exactly how much we use for each meal, but we were lucky compared with the families who have older kids.  My younger kids did not eat as much, one is six and the other one and a half years old,” the Kikuyu young mother continued.

“That time, we even had to pay a fee to use the private-owned toilets nearby.” The mother-in-law of the young mother continued, “We were basically living in filth until the mentors of Ripe For Harvest brought us some clothes donated by their university schoolmates. They also assisted us in digging ditches around the tents to reduce mosquitoes and relative diseases.”

Before this toilet was donated by the Red Cross, the refugee even had to pay the fee to use the personally owned toilet.

The Kikuyus also endured intense emotional trauma in the 2007 post-election violence. “We felt we were betrayed by our Kalenjin neighbours—they guided the Kalenjin youth to burn our house.” The mother-in-law of the young mother said. “We [Kikuyus] had intertribal marriages with Kalenjins. But after the violence, a Kikuyu woman who had married a Kalenjin man was chased away by members of the Kalenjin family.

Today, while most families who live in the Eldoret Camp have resettled in their own lands, many are still fearful, and feel that they live in a hostile environment among their Kalenjin neighbours. When we asked them about the effect of reconciliation meetings between Kikuyu tribe and Kalenjin tribe held by the local government after the violence, most of the Kikuyu refugees said it did not work as most Kalenjins who participated in the meetings were either forced to come or came just for material handouts.

When we asked the refugees what they thought about their Kalenjin neighbours now, the Kikuyu women in the camp said, “We want to forgive them as we are all living in the same land.”

However, Kikuyu men said, “We are tired of forgiving—local Kalenjins attacked and harrased us after every election since 1992. They destroyed, we rebuilt. They destroyed, we rebuilt. Now we are old, and we cannot afford to spend what remains of our lifesavings rebuilding. Let justice be done and the perpetrators punished. Otherwise, how can we feel safe doing anything to restart our day-to-day lives?”

A Kikuyu man standing on the mud where his house was used to be. One of the reasons that he is still living in the tent is because he did not have any money to rebuild his home. But also, as he stated resignedly, “I am less and less tempted to rebuild my house as I don’t know how soon it will be before I lose it again.”

The Kikuyu women’s desire to forgive is admirable, but there is sense in what the men’s demands for justice. Will justice be delivered through the International Criminal Court?