Hassam Ciza

Hassam Ciza, one of Burundi’s small Muslim community, did not join the rebels voluntarily. In 2006 the FNL came to his house, started beating people, and gave them a choice between joining and being killed; he accepted. He was with the rebels for several months, where he says he was treated “like an animal”. He and the other abductees were used like slaves, acting as porters and carrying out heavy work in the camp, and they were regularly beaten. Finally, after being asked to go and get charcoal, he ran away. He had a gun, which he gave to a friend, then ran and gradually made his way home.

Like many people, however, Hassam did not find an easy homecoming. His mother had been killed, and his family now consisted of him and his elder brother. He felt guilt for what he had done, even though, he says, he did nothing that he was not forced to do. He felt that he had ‘the spirit of a soldier’ and could not relate to others; he even considered returning to the bush, but in the end did not. Now twenty, he is clearly still traumatised by his experience, refusing to meet my eye and shifting uncomfortably as he talks. He is also struggling to support himself; although he received training as a mechanic he has not been able to find work. He is, however, adamant about one thing: he does not want to be a soldier. Even talking about CEDAC, a subject on which most members will talk enthusiastically, he limits his words. But he says he likes being with people, and that it has helped him adapt to life. And, after a year with CEDAC, he is optimistic about the future.

Although it would be stretching a point to see Hassam as a survivor able to help others, his story illustrates the importance of the peer support model in other ways; he struggled to relate to those who had not shared his experiences, but through CEDAC support groups he is beginning to address his trauma. Talking to the other young people in the group, most of whose ordeals took place before Hassam’s did, I believe they have the strength to help him develop through this and find his own path to his future.

Hassam Ciza, un membre du petit communité musulman du Burundi, n’a pas choisi d’être rebelle. En 2006 les rebelles du FNL sont venus à son quartier, ont commencé de battre les gens, et les ont donnés un choix : nous joins, ou on te tue. Il a accepté de joindre, et a resté avec les rebelles pour plusieurs mois, ou il dit qu’il était traité « comme les animaux » Lui et lest autres qui ont été enlevés étaient utilisés comme les esclaves ; ils ont travaillé comme les porteurs et fait tout le travail manuel dans le camp. De plus, ils étaient régulièrement battus. Finalement, il a décidé de s’en fuir. Un jour, quand ils lui ont demandé de chercher le charbon, il a donné son fusil à un ami, et il a couru, avant de, graduellement, faire le voyage pour retourner chez lui.

Pourtant, comme beaucoup des gens, Hassam ne l’a pas trouvé facile de retourner chez lui. Sa mère a été tué, et sa famille maintenant consiste seulement de lui et son frère ainé. Il s’est senti coupable pour ce qu’il a fait, même comme, il dit, il n’a fait rien sans être forcé. Il s’est senti qu’il avait « l’esprit du soldat » et il a pensé de retourner à la forêt. Il a maintenant vingt ans, et c’est clair qu’il est encore traumatisé par son expérience ; il refuse de me regarder dans les yeux et il s’agite dans la chaise pendent la conversation. Il a aussi les problèmes pratique ; parce qu’il n’était pas avec les rebelles à la fin de la guerre, il n’a pas été démobilisé, donc il n’a rien reçu du gouvernement. Il a reçu les entrainements de mécanique avec CEDAC, mais il n’a pas pu trouver la travaille. Néanmoins, il est certain d’une chose ; il ne veut jamais être soldat. Même quand nous parlons du CEDAC, un sujet sur que la majorité des membres parlent avec enthousiasme, il est taciturne. Mais il dit qu’il aime bien être avec les autres jeunes, et que pouvoir parler avec eux lui a aidé d’adapter. Après un an d’être membre de CEDAC, il commence d’être plus optimiste.

Il serait un peu optimiste de décrire Hassam comme survivant qui peut aider les autres, mais son histoire montre quand même l’importance du “peer support”. Il a lutté de trouver un rapport avec ceux qui n’ont pas eu ses expériences, mas, avec son groupe de soutien avec CEDAC, il commence d’adresser son traumatisme. Quand je parle avec les autres jeunes dans la groupe, qui ont en général fini leurs épreuves plus tôt que Hassam, je crois qu’ils ont la force et le confiance de l’aider de dépasser ce période et trouver son propre chemin à l’avenir.

Conseil: ce poste n’a pas été corrigé ; si il y a des erreurs, veuillez me dire et je les corrigerai !

Arcade Habiyambere

J’avais beaucoup entendu d’Arcade Habiyambere avant de le rencontre. Un ancien membre du FNL, il est le dirigeant de AIJEC, la organisation qui a plus récemment joint CEDAC, qui représente le plupart des anciens combattants desquels Eric Uwimana a parlé – ceux qui n’était ni incorporé dans l’armée, ni démobilisé.

Arcade a joint la rébellion in 1997, quand il avait 13 ans. Son père a était tué par les Tutsis, et il avait peur que le même passera a lui. Mais il a bientôt commencé de faire les dégâts lui-même – il a tué les gens et brulé les maisons. Il a vu les amis être tués, surtout dans un attaque sur l’aéroport, ou ils ont attaqué avec 4,000 hommes et sont retournés avec seulement 2,700. Il a était blessé plusieurs fois ; il me mont la cicatrice sur sa jambe. Avec le passage du temps, il a réalisé qui c’était la population qui a souffert le plus, et que les objectifs du mouvement n’avait plus d’importance. Finalement, le mouvement a commencé de voir le besoin de joindre la paix.

Pourtant, pour Arcade, cette participation représente un grand échec. Le gouvernement a dit qu’ils avaient les moyens limités, et le résultat était qui seulement 3,500 soldats était incorporé dans l’armée, et 5,000 ont reçu le package de démobilisation. Arcade est un des 12,500 qui ont reçu que ses sandales, ses vêtements, et 100,000 Francs – qui, souvent, n’ont pas été payé. Comme il dit – comment est-ce qu’ils peuvent retourner a leur familles comme ça – si ils ont une famille a qui ils peuvent retourner. Il dit que l’argent aurait été divisé justement, ou pas divisé du tout. La situation est encore pire pour ceux, comme Arcade, qui sont allés au terrain quand ils étaient encore jeunes ; ils ont jamais eu l’opportunité de finir leur éducation ou apprendre un métier (veuillez voir encore le recherche de Blattman)

Arcade était finalement motivé d’agir quand il a réalisé que cette situation créera les grands problèmes pour la paix, quand lui et quelques autres de ses anciens camarades ont été approché par les politiciens qui les ont demandé de déstabiliser leur communes pour les buts politiques. Il a refusé, et a crée AJIEC pour plaidoyer pour une meilleure provision pour ses membres – comme l’entrainement, l’aide pour retourner a l’école, et l’aide pour commencer les petites entreprises. Sans ça, il dit – et probablement il a raison – que le grands corps des anciens membres des FNL qui n’ont pas des options, qui ont perdu l’espoir, mais qui ont l’accès aux armes, est un « bombe de retardement »

Son organisation a existé pour seulement deux mois, mais elle a déjà plus que 11,000 membres et un peu de visibilité dans les médias ; le jour avant de me parler, Arcade était sur la télévision Burundais pour parler de son organisation. En lui parlant, il y a les choses que me concerne ; le manque complet du moyens le fait difficile pour son organisation d’agir ; même organisant un match de foot est un problème financière. Plus grave, il parle d’être « adhérent du FNL » dans le présent, avant de se corriger ! Mais il y a encore plus des raisons pour l’optimisme ; même quelqu’un avec rien a refusé de déstabiliser son pays pour l’argent – et il a trouvé beaucoup de gens qui ont fait la même décision, et qui sont préparés a répondre – et agir pour améliorer leur position au même temps. Son association avec CEDAC est encore dans son enfance – ils ont signé un agrément a la même réunion ou je lui parle – mais c’est clair que Eric est ravi du partenariat. J’espère que le modèle et organisation du CEDAC peut aider les membres de AJIEC d’obtenir l’entrainement et les opportunités dont ils ont besoin, et que l’ambition d’Arcade – il me dit qu’il espère que son mouvement inspira les jeunes dans les autres pays – complémentera la modestie d’Eric pour ajouter un autre niveau a leur travail.

img_2330-a

I have heard a lot about Arcade Habiyambere before I meet him. A former member of the FNL, he is the leader of CEDAC’s latest member organisation, AJIEC, representing most of the former FNL fighters Eric Uwimana told me about – those who were neither incorporated into the regular army, or demobilised receiving demobilisation packages.

Arcade joined the rebellion in 1997, when he was just 13. His father had been killed by Tutsis, and he feared the same fate. But he ended up committing atrocities of his own – killing people and burning homes. He saw friends killed, including in a disastrous attack on the airport when they attacked with 4,000 men and left with only 2,700. He was also wounded several times – he shows me the scar on his leg. Gradually he realised that it was the population who were suffering, and that the movement’s objectives no longer existed. As a result, the movement began to see the need for peace, and moved to join the peace.

For Arcade, however, this participation is seen as a failure. As the government pleaded limited means, only 3,500 soldiers were integrated into the army, and 5,000 demobilised; the unlucky, such as Arcade, received only a pair of sandals, their clothes, and 100,000 Francs – which wasn’t always paid. As he says himself: how could they return to their families like that – if they even had a family to return to. The money should have been divided fairly, he says, or not at all. This situation is exacerbated for those, like him, who began fighting as children; they have had no opportunity to gain education or skills (see that piece of Blattman research again!).

Arcade was motivated to act when he realised the treat this situation posed to peace, when he and other former comrades were approached by politicians and asked to destabilise their communities for political purposes. He refused, and formed AJIEC to advocate for better options for his members – including training, help in returning to school, and help in starting small businesses. Without this, he says – probably accurately – that the ranks of disillusioned, optionless former FNL, is a time bomb.

His organisation has existed for only two months, but has already acquired more than 11,000 members and some media exposure – the day before he talks to me Arcade was on Burundian Television talking about his organisation. Talking to him, there are some issues for concern – the complete lack of funding makes it difficult for him to do anything; even organising a football match is a financial strain, and even more worryingly, he talks about being an ‘adherent of the FNL’ in the present tense, before correcting himself! But the grounds for optimism are stronger; even someone with not even a bus fare to their name refused to destabilise his country’s future for money – and has found an awful lot of people who feel the same way and are prepared to do something about it – and taking action to improve their position while they do so. His association with CEDAC is still in its infancy – they signed an agreement at the same meeting where he talked to me – but Eric is clearly thrilled at the new partnership, and their model and organisation should be highly valuable in helping the members of AJIEC to access the training and opportunities that they need. And Arcade is ambitious; as we finish talking, he says that he hopes that his movement can be an inspiration to young people in other countries. Given Eric’s general modesty, AJIEC could be a good complement to his work.

Talking to Eric Uwimana

Eric Uwimana

Eric is strongly critical of the reintegration of the army, saying that although there were 21,000 members of the FNL, only 3,500 were integrated into the national army – and only 5,000 have been through official demobilisation processes, meaning that there are another 12,500 running around with guns and no means of making money. Not a comforting thought; Eric confirms that many of them have become bandits. He also tells me that relations in the newly-integrated army are poor, with soldiers who were former members of the other factions accusing him of not working, and is resentful of his loss in status from Commander to Sergeant-Major. Eric also displays the heightened masculinity common among soldiers; he seems almost boastful when talking about his past, and when Eric (Niragira, director of CEDAC) asks us to pose for a photo, he tries to feel me up. Considering his rebel past and army present, I decide against punching him in the face.

At this point in the interview, I was not optimistic. However, when we began to talk about CEDAC, my view changed. Eric talks about how group meetings with members of the other factions, organised through CEDAC, have helped him to open up and talk about his past. He is still in contact by phone with some of the other people he met through these sessions, and expresses a strong commitment to CEDAC’s vision of a peaceful Burundi, with former soldiers integrated and setting the example for peace. Growing sober, he says that war makes you do things that you would never otherwise do because they seem normal, and that talking to fellow members of CEDAC helped him see the damage done to those who did nothing – the civilians. Asked if he would do the same again, he is adamant that he would not; indeed, he is keen to leave the army and is searching for other opportunities. Finally, he expresses his hope that no other rebel group with emerge now that the FNL has laid down arms, and emphasises the importance of talking about what they did so that Burundi will not go to war again.

Talking to Eric was fascinating; in many respects he embodies the problems faced by Burundi; young, radicalised, accustomed to violence, and embodying the aggressive masculinity that is so dangerous. However, the sentiments that he expresses once he stops trying to show off are encouraging, and suggest that he is genuinely committed to peace. In many ways, he therefore demonstrates the success that CEDAC can have in reconciling even those who were genuinely committed rebels, with high positions, and the importance of the peer support model in achieving this.

*Francophones: I am unsure how best to translate this? Harassed? Any thoughts?

CEDAC is an umbrella organisation for former combatants’ associations led by the dynamic Eric Niragira, who founded the organisation with little more than a hope and a prayer in 2005. Although this is a period of his life about which he is reticent, Eric is himself a former combatant with the FDD, experience he brings to his work with CEDAC’s members, and after demobilisation he had the idea of founding an organisation in which former combatants from all sides could come together, promoting mutual understanding and reconciliation. Since he felt that former combatants were the most likely to restart the war, he saw this as a crucial step towards establishing peace. CEDAC now has 20,000 members across the country, working together in microfinance projects, support groups, and campaign groups, and receiving livelihoods training, something particularly important for former child soldiers, who have missed much of their schooling during the war.

Eric Niragira

Survivor Corps will be working with CEDAC on their work on Gender Based Violence, where they seek to prevent Gender Based Violence by providing healing services and support to survivors, as well as attempting to tackle its causes by educating those who spread it as a weapon of war to become advocates against it. This work has many aspects; the ubiquitous support groups and microfinance groups, as well as provision of legal assistance (in collaboration with AFJB), but also campaigns to hand in weapons, and anti-GBV campaigns targeted at men and aiming to address views of women and definitions of masculinity that contribute to GBV.

CEDAC also works on a dynamic project, in which Survivor Corps will also be partnering them, in which they are harnessing former combatants to engage with other former combatants to promote peaceful elections in 2010. It is hard to overstate the importance of this; former combatants are involved in widespread violence and banditry across the country, are often armed, and are liable to take up arms when the political struggle goes against them. Almost every Burundian I have spoken to has told me that they are afraid of what might happen during and after the elections – but that the elections remain the focus of their hopes for peace. CEDAC are working on demonstrations for peace, the first to be held this Sunday, organising public meetings of former combatants to educate them on the importance of peaceful elections, and working the Radio Publique Africaine to produce radio programmes promoting peace. Many of their members are even standing as local candidates, promising to be conciliatory and moderate in their rhetoric. In line with Survivor Corps’ traditional focus on disability rights, they will also be campaigning for accessible polling stations.

I will be contributing to Survivor Corps’ work with CEDAC by profiling Eric and several of his members, drawn from different rebel groups, as well as some of the survivors of Gender Based Violence involved with CEDAC projects, and some of the former child soldiers in CEDAC training centres. I will also be helping Eric to develop CEDAC’s web presence, and covering events such as weapons collections and the demonstration for peace.