Clairance

Quand je parle a Clairance Mpawenimana, je lutte de ne pas pleurer. Pas a cause de ce qu’elle dit, mais a cause de ce qu’elle ne dit pas. Elle m’était introduit comme survivant de la violence basé sur le genre, mais même quand nous parlons en détail de la guerre et ses expériences, quand j’approche le sujet de VBG, elle ne me regarde pas et je ne peux pas la pousser.

Quand elle s’introduit, elle me dit qu’elle vient de finir l’école secondaire, et qu’elle espère d’aller a l’université pour étudier les humanités. Elle était seulement un enfant en 1993, mais les enfants rappellent les choses et les images retournent. Elle était habitant en Kinaba, un des quartiers le plus affecté, et elle rappelle de voir les gens qui étaient tués à cause de ses ethnicités, quelque chose qu’elle n’a pas compris à l’époque (on trouve ceci souvent en Burundi ; beaucoup des survivants disent que la première fois qu’ils ont su ses ethnicités était quand ils avaient perdus les relations dans un des périodes des massacres). Parce qu’il y avait de la guerre dans les quartiers, ils ont fuient aux montagnes et, quand ils ont été bombardé là, a Congo. On doit être dans une très mauvaise situation pour le Congo de ressembler la sécurité. La vie là-bas était difficile, mais ils ont survécu, et, finalement, ils ont pu retourner chez eux.

Quand ils sont retournés, ils ont trouvé que la famille s’était éparpillé, et beaucoup d’entre eux était mort. Elle s’est sentie blessée, fâchée et crevée, et elle n’avait aucun espoir pour l’avenir du pays. Pourtant, elle a joint CEDAC, et, avec leur aide, elle a reçu six mois d’entrainement avec l’ONG Search for Common Ground. Ceci l’a aidé de se soigner son corps et son esprit, et elle a finalement pu pardonner ses anciens ennemis. Ils ont était entrainé de promouvoir l’unité et donner un bon exemple dans leurs communes, quelque chose qu’elle a essayé de faire au cours de son travaille avec CEDAC. Quand elle pense au sujet de la guerre, elle dit qu’elle le trouve encore difficile de comprendre ce qui a passé, mais que la priorité doit être d’assurer qu’ils ne retournent jamais à cette position. Elle dit que l’avenir va être mieux si tous les Burundais changent leurs idées. Elle a les grands espoirs pour les élections de 2010 ; il y a les obstacles, mais elle croit que seulement une petite minorité on les mauvaises ambitions, et que la majorité va réussir. Elle espère d’être un part de ce procès de reconstruire le pays, et d’aider le travail du CEDAC – utiliser les forces de la destruction de reconstruire le pays.

Quand j’écoute à l’histoire de Clairance, et ses espoirs pour l’avenir, je me sens humble. Elle est plus jeune que moi, mais elle a eu les expériences que je ne peux pas imaginer, et elle a réclamé sa vie. Quand je la parle, je me souhaite d’avoir une baguette et guérir ce pays, mais, malheureusement, ce ne va jamais être possible. En place, j’espère que, si on peut donner la pouvoir de changer leurs vies aux jeunes comme Clairance, ils peuvent réclamer la paix et reconstruire leur pays, et dans cette façon on peut contribuer à assurer que, dans l’avenir, les jeunes n’ont pas besoin de survivre les mêmes expériences – au moins dans ce pays.

Conseil: ce poste n’a pas été corrigé ; si il y a des erreurs, veuillez me dire et je les corrigerai !

Arcade Habiyambere

J’avais beaucoup entendu d’Arcade Habiyambere avant de le rencontre. Un ancien membre du FNL, il est le dirigeant de AIJEC, la organisation qui a plus récemment joint CEDAC, qui représente le plupart des anciens combattants desquels Eric Uwimana a parlé – ceux qui n’était ni incorporé dans l’armée, ni démobilisé.

Arcade a joint la rébellion in 1997, quand il avait 13 ans. Son père a était tué par les Tutsis, et il avait peur que le même passera a lui. Mais il a bientôt commencé de faire les dégâts lui-même – il a tué les gens et brulé les maisons. Il a vu les amis être tués, surtout dans un attaque sur l’aéroport, ou ils ont attaqué avec 4,000 hommes et sont retournés avec seulement 2,700. Il a était blessé plusieurs fois ; il me mont la cicatrice sur sa jambe. Avec le passage du temps, il a réalisé qui c’était la population qui a souffert le plus, et que les objectifs du mouvement n’avait plus d’importance. Finalement, le mouvement a commencé de voir le besoin de joindre la paix.

Pourtant, pour Arcade, cette participation représente un grand échec. Le gouvernement a dit qu’ils avaient les moyens limités, et le résultat était qui seulement 3,500 soldats était incorporé dans l’armée, et 5,000 ont reçu le package de démobilisation. Arcade est un des 12,500 qui ont reçu que ses sandales, ses vêtements, et 100,000 Francs – qui, souvent, n’ont pas été payé. Comme il dit – comment est-ce qu’ils peuvent retourner a leur familles comme ça – si ils ont une famille a qui ils peuvent retourner. Il dit que l’argent aurait été divisé justement, ou pas divisé du tout. La situation est encore pire pour ceux, comme Arcade, qui sont allés au terrain quand ils étaient encore jeunes ; ils ont jamais eu l’opportunité de finir leur éducation ou apprendre un métier (veuillez voir encore le recherche de Blattman)

Arcade était finalement motivé d’agir quand il a réalisé que cette situation créera les grands problèmes pour la paix, quand lui et quelques autres de ses anciens camarades ont été approché par les politiciens qui les ont demandé de déstabiliser leur communes pour les buts politiques. Il a refusé, et a crée AJIEC pour plaidoyer pour une meilleure provision pour ses membres – comme l’entrainement, l’aide pour retourner a l’école, et l’aide pour commencer les petites entreprises. Sans ça, il dit – et probablement il a raison – que le grands corps des anciens membres des FNL qui n’ont pas des options, qui ont perdu l’espoir, mais qui ont l’accès aux armes, est un « bombe de retardement »

Son organisation a existé pour seulement deux mois, mais elle a déjà plus que 11,000 membres et un peu de visibilité dans les médias ; le jour avant de me parler, Arcade était sur la télévision Burundais pour parler de son organisation. En lui parlant, il y a les choses que me concerne ; le manque complet du moyens le fait difficile pour son organisation d’agir ; même organisant un match de foot est un problème financière. Plus grave, il parle d’être « adhérent du FNL » dans le présent, avant de se corriger ! Mais il y a encore plus des raisons pour l’optimisme ; même quelqu’un avec rien a refusé de déstabiliser son pays pour l’argent – et il a trouvé beaucoup de gens qui ont fait la même décision, et qui sont préparés a répondre – et agir pour améliorer leur position au même temps. Son association avec CEDAC est encore dans son enfance – ils ont signé un agrément a la même réunion ou je lui parle – mais c’est clair que Eric est ravi du partenariat. J’espère que le modèle et organisation du CEDAC peut aider les membres de AJIEC d’obtenir l’entrainement et les opportunités dont ils ont besoin, et que l’ambition d’Arcade – il me dit qu’il espère que son mouvement inspira les jeunes dans les autres pays – complémentera la modestie d’Eric pour ajouter un autre niveau a leur travail.

Jeanvierre Nibafasha

Since the war, reactions to what she did have been mixed; some people called her a killer, while others congratulated her. But she has not faced significant problems, especially as she protected people – she is insistent that the information she passed related in the main to proposed attacks on civilians. But she felt like a former combatant, and felt that her skills could help CEDAC’s mission to build a better Burundi, so she joined the organisation and is now the Executive Secretary of its women’s programme. She uses this position to help other women ex-combatants, many of whom suffered in the field, and are in vulnerable positions; they may have been rejected by their husbands, or their husbands may have been killed, and their children may be in an awkward position, particularly those born in the bush, whose fathers may not be identifiable. Their problems are exacerbated by widespread illiteracy among women, making it difficult for them to access and understand their rights.

CEDAC can help these women through advice, legal and otherwise, and assistance in claiming their rights. They are helping women understand how to take themselves through life without their husbands, by forming support groups of women. Through this, they help them develop means of supporting themselves without turning to prostitution, something that is common among ex-combatant women, and is linked with rising AIDS infection rates, particularly in the cities*. She says that this work appeals to both sides of her character; her lawyer’s wish to promote justice, and her wish to support other women. Asked about her hope for the future, she says that she hopes that women ex-combatants can live like others, with the ex-combatant spirit extinguished, and expresses her belief that CEDAC can make a huge contribution to peace, showing that it is possible to make a difference with neither money nor power; nothing except a vision of peace.

* The wife of a friend works on the World Bank’s AIDS programme in Burundi, and tells me that current infection rates are around 2.5% in the country, and 9% in Bujumbura, but particularly the latter figure is rising fast.

img_2330-a

I have heard a lot about Arcade Habiyambere before I meet him. A former member of the FNL, he is the leader of CEDAC’s latest member organisation, AJIEC, representing most of the former FNL fighters Eric Uwimana told me about – those who were neither incorporated into the regular army, or demobilised receiving demobilisation packages.

Arcade joined the rebellion in 1997, when he was just 13. His father had been killed by Tutsis, and he feared the same fate. But he ended up committing atrocities of his own – killing people and burning homes. He saw friends killed, including in a disastrous attack on the airport when they attacked with 4,000 men and left with only 2,700. He was also wounded several times – he shows me the scar on his leg. Gradually he realised that it was the population who were suffering, and that the movement’s objectives no longer existed. As a result, the movement began to see the need for peace, and moved to join the peace.

For Arcade, however, this participation is seen as a failure. As the government pleaded limited means, only 3,500 soldiers were integrated into the army, and 5,000 demobilised; the unlucky, such as Arcade, received only a pair of sandals, their clothes, and 100,000 Francs – which wasn’t always paid. As he says himself: how could they return to their families like that – if they even had a family to return to. The money should have been divided fairly, he says, or not at all. This situation is exacerbated for those, like him, who began fighting as children; they have had no opportunity to gain education or skills (see that piece of Blattman research again!).

Arcade was motivated to act when he realised the treat this situation posed to peace, when he and other former comrades were approached by politicians and asked to destabilise their communities for political purposes. He refused, and formed AJIEC to advocate for better options for his members – including training, help in returning to school, and help in starting small businesses. Without this, he says – probably accurately – that the ranks of disillusioned, optionless former FNL, is a time bomb.

His organisation has existed for only two months, but has already acquired more than 11,000 members and some media exposure – the day before he talks to me Arcade was on Burundian Television talking about his organisation. Talking to him, there are some issues for concern – the complete lack of funding makes it difficult for him to do anything; even organising a football match is a financial strain, and even more worryingly, he talks about being an ‘adherent of the FNL’ in the present tense, before correcting himself! But the grounds for optimism are stronger; even someone with not even a bus fare to their name refused to destabilise his country’s future for money – and has found an awful lot of people who feel the same way and are prepared to do something about it – and taking action to improve their position while they do so. His association with CEDAC is still in its infancy – they signed an agreement at the same meeting where he talked to me – but Eric is clearly thrilled at the new partnership, and their model and organisation should be highly valuable in helping the members of AJIEC to access the training and opportunities that they need. And Arcade is ambitious; as we finish talking, he says that he hopes that his movement can be an inspiration to young people in other countries. Given Eric’s general modesty, AJIEC could be a good complement to his work.

This weekend Eric had a visitor from a partner organisation in Zimbabwe, who he was taking around some of CEDAC’s microprojects in the North of the country, and he asked me to come along to take pictures and write about it. We started out back at the youth centre in Kinaba, where we were able to watch a traditional drumming group practicing; this is one of the activities that CEDAC organises to bring together young people from all sides of Burundi’s divide. You can see in the clip that all the people involved are teenagers or younger; the two very young boys were children born in the bush. The performance was excellent, with even the little ones participating, and it highlighted the way in which Burundians are trying to emphasise their shared language and shared traditions in order to rise above the ethnic divide – an advantage they have over other ethnically divided countries, where the ethnicities are usually divided in both these respects, making it harder to assert a shared history.

CEDAC drummers group

CEDAC drummers group

From Kinaba, we carried on into the interior. On the way, Eric points out some hills, telling me that during the war he fought in this area. It is the first time he has talked to me about the war. But our first stop is to visit one of CEDAC’s groups which received funding from the NGO PRASAB to buy two cows, which have now increased to three with a fourth on the way. I speak to Fides Nibaruta, a teacher and former combatant, who tells me that the group consists of twenty former combatants, so they hope to gradually increase their herd until they each have a cow, and possibly also buy some goats. She also introduces me to some of the other members, including Delphine Sindimwo who, I am told, was a renowned fighter with the FDD-CNDD. She tells me that the project has been helpful in combating poverty in the area, as well as promoting reconciliation as it has forced all sides to work together. Depressingly, although I, and Eric, have made clear that I am not a donor, all this is interspersed with requests for more cows.

Fides Nibaruta

Delphine Sindimwo

From there, we continue to a small town in Kiganda where a group of former combatants and women associate with rebel forces have joined together in a mutual aid society under the auspices of CEDAC. Here I am not able to talk to an individual, but talking through Eric, the members tell me there are fifty people in the group, and that they began by helping each other in times of difficulty and sickness, but that they were then able to save small sums each month, and, using local banking systems, build up enough savings to rent a building and buy stock, intending to run a small shop. It is clear that there is widespread poverty in the town, and indeed among the group members, and I am impressed at the initiative they have taken – and cannot help contrasting it with the previous project’s constant requests to be given more cows. They also tell me that each member of the group has voluntarily disarmed, and that they are working to promote disarmament in the community.

The next project we visit have planted Cedar seedlings and sweet potatoes. Interestingly, there is a government rally in town that day, and a man working on the patch asks me not to take photographs – Eric says that this has something to do with the rally, although I am not able to work out the connection. I also speak to Saruatar Ntegeye, who tells me that as well as the agricultural project, they have opened a small shop and bought a bicycle to help transport goods. Again, this was achieved through a mutual aid society, with no outside help except the organisational help provided by CEDAC. The group also works on disarmament; Eric takes us to see the local police chief, and asks if we can see the weapons that have been handed in; he brings us a box of grenades, cartridges and ‘chargeurs’ (no idea what the English for this is, but it means the cases full of rounds that you plug in to a Kalashnikov). I get another glimpse into Eric’s past when he picks up one of the ‘chargeurs’, examines it, and says that it has been buried, pointing out soil, bits of rust, and where it is bent at one of the edges. ‘You could use it, but it hasn’t been very well looked after’, he says, with a shake of his head, as he replaces it.

Finally, we head to Eric’s home colline, in Kiganda. Along the way, he points out houses that were destroyed in the war, some belonging to Tutsis and some Hutus; he tells us that the former residents now live in Bujumbura, but I suspect that many of them were killed. When we arrive, he introduces me to Ezechiel Bancirimisi, the founding secretary general of CEDAC, who tells me about a tile making project in the area. The group has 30 members, and they have several workshops and several kilns, with each kiln able to fire 3,000 tiles at once – enough for an average-sized house. The cost of each tile is 65 Francs, and they usually make enough tiles for six houses a year, giving the group an annual income of 1.17 million Francs (about $950); their work is limited as people do not build in the rainy season. The project is, however, not without problems; they need large amounts of wood for the kiln, and are struggling to secure supplies. I ask if they have considered planting trees for the future; he says that they are trying but it is difficult, as Burundi is heavily populated and the land is crowded. Looking at the hillside across the valley it is clear where the group has cut the trees, and equally clear that unless they can solve this problem the project will be doomed – and the cost may be deforestation and soil erosion. But Ezechiel is smart and dynamic, and I can’t not believe that he’ll find a solution.

As we head home, we are stopped by another communal CEDAC leader, who gives Eric a list of weapons handed in in the last two months; two guns, more than a hundred grenades, and hundreds of bullets. So far it looks like people are handing in bullets and grenades, but may be hanging on to the guns. But Eric is delighted; this is only the beginning. Then home – and out to the opening of Havana Club, Bujumbura’s premier nightclub, which just happens to be managed by Brian, who I live with. An interesting day out, and the opening was a great success, but an exhausting day!

Today I set up blogs for Pierre Claver and Eric from CEDAC, which you can visit here and here. The internet cut out before either of them could write a post (currently in internet cafe), but they both seemed pretty pleased with the pages we set up, and should be able to get blogging soon!

Translating some things into French to put on the CEDAC website, and for general local advocacy purposes, thought any Francophones might be interested to read it in their own language! Let me know if you spot any glaring errors!

Jean-Baptiste est content d’avouer son passé comme membre du FDD, un des groupes rebelles au Burundi. Il a passé quatre ans dans le maquis entre 1999 et 2003. Il a maintenant 26 ans, donc il avait 16 ans quand il avait  quitté son école secondaire à Kayanza et forcé de joindre la rébellion. Ses parents avaient été tués dans les massacres de 1993, et il avait déjà considéré joindre la rébellion, mais le reste de sa famille l’a toujours empêché. Et, peu a peu, ‘son esprit a changé’, et il a ‘trouvé le rythme’ de la vie rebelle, donc il n’a jamais essayé d’échapper. Néanmoins, il dit qu’une partie de son esprit a toujours dit ‘non’, et qu’il rêvait de la vie civile. Avec quelques amis proches  auxquels  il a discuté pour planifier la desertion,ils ont refusé sous le  risque d’être découvert, et il avait peur que, s’il avait retourné a la colline, les amis du mouvement pourraient lui menacer. Mais en 2003, quand il avait eu  l’opportunité de s’intégrer dans l’armée ou la démobilisation, il était heureux de démobiliser.

Pourtant, le retour à la vie civile n’était pas une panacée. Il a toujours senti  la haine, et, pensant qu’il n’avait rien  contribué, il n’avait pas de l’espoir. Il était vu partout comme rien plus d’autre  que d’ancien combattant. Dans le centre de démobilisation il a rencontrait beaucoup des gens de l’armée burundaise, et il a encore une amitié avec beaucoup de ces gens qui ont été  démobilisés au même temps de lui. Ils font les blagues sur l’ethnicité ensemble ; ils ont passés  beaucoup d’années  en conflit, crée par les politiciens.

Après avoir eu du contact avec CEDAC, il a réalisé qu’il avait la possibilité de faire autre chose  que de  détruire, et qu’il pourrait changer sa vie. Il a réalisé que le Burundi a besoin des  gens comme lui, qui ont détruit leur pays, et qui sont prêt de le reconstruire, et que ceux qui ont abusé les droits humaines dans la guerre ont une capacité unique à combattre les abus maintenant. Avec l’aide du CEDAC, il a commencé de réparer, ou faire réparations pour, le damage qu’il a causé pendant la guerre. Il est un membre intégral du comité du CEDAC, travaillant pour publiciser leur vision et faciliter leur travaille sur les groupes de soutien et les initiatives de micro finance. Il est aussi au cœur des campagnes  pour les élections paisibles, qui a le but de sensibiliser les anciens combattants de se commettre aux élections paisibles en 2010 et de donner un exemple positif aux autres avec leur détermination.

Même comme la réintégration n’a pas été facile; ce n’était pas automatique, mais Jean-Baptiste est maintenant un dirigeant de jeunesse proéminent dans sa communité, consulté sur plusieurs issues, et il travaille pour promoter la vision de CEDAC aux autres combattants, surtout ceux du FNL qui sont en train d’être démobilisés – ou qui étaient exclus de la démobilisation officielle.

En conformité avec la vision de CEDAC, Jean-Baptiste a pris son avenir et celui de son pays dans ses propres mains ; il est survivant du conflit avec une vision positive et l’énergie de l’implémenter.

Two pieces of news:

This morning Eric and I created a site for CEDAC, which you can visit here. So far there isn’t much on it but we’ll be working on it over the next few days and it should be good once it’s finished.

And this morning Fabiola had her baby, a little girl – both doing fine and everyone happy.

Barnaby

Barnaby quickly grew to dislike army life; he talks of always being on patrol, of a constant lack of sleep, of being so tired that he slept while marching. As a result, when he was offered demobilisation in 2004 he took it. However, like many others, he struggled to adjust. During demobilisation he came into contact with people from the other forces, realising the pointlessness of it all but finding it easier to get on with these people who had had similar experiences to him. Involvement with CEDAC, which started when he was introduced to the organisation by some of his old comrades, has helped further. It has helped him to stay in contact with former fighters through training sessions and sport, and its vision of harnessing the energy of former soldiers to rebuild the country has, he says, inspired him. He is particularly keen to emphasise their work in promoting disarmament and the handing in of small arms, which he sees as vital to a lasting peace, and he works to spread that message in his neighbourhood.

Barnaby is clearly still delighted to be out of the army, and CEDAC has helped those in the colline* adjust to his return and welcome him back. However, he still has enormous problems. He is one of the less educated people I have spoken to (he does not speak French, so is speaking through Eric), and although he was trained as a driver and auto mechanic by CEDAC, he has not been able to find work, and his demobilisation package is long gone. Although he remains optimistic and prays for peace and better times to come, he faces a constant struggle to support his wife and two children. His story therefore demonstrates not only the progress this country has made, but also how far it has to go in terms of fighting poverty and promoting growth that can form the basis of a lasting peace.

That said, I want to end on a positive note. When I have finished interviewing him and Jean-Baptiste, these former adversaries leave arm-in-arm; reconciliation does seem to be working.

*unlike most places in Africa, Burundians do not traditionally live in villages, but in extended family units on a single hill, or colline.

In the last few days I’ve talked to a lot of people who were, in one way or another, affected by the war. Their stories are different and each is deeply affecting in its own way, but one thing I have been struck by is the loss of skills resulting from combat or displacement; many of the people I’ve spoken to have said that, when they returned from war or displacement, they found that they had missed out on years of education that others had had access to, or other skills training. This makes it very difficult to find work, an important way in which these people are vulnerable. Linked with this is the general disdain for the political class who, they say, stirred up ethnic hatred then left others to fight the war while they enriched themselves. This is somewhat unfair in the case of the current President, former leader of the FDD, but regarding many other politicians, many of whom have been members of several consecutive parties in order to ensure access to jobs and the perks of office, they have a point.

This problem is, however, far from unique to Burundi. While listening to all these stories, I have had in my head Vera Brittain‘s poem The Lament of the Demobilised (see bottom of page), in which she talks of the difficulties of returning to civilian life as a student at Oxford after working as a VAD in the First World War, and the resentment she feels to those who have “just got on” while they were away. To give an example closer in both time and space, in his work on child soldiers, mainly carried out in Northern Uganda, Chris Blattman (whose blog anyone interested in Africa should read) has shown that the single greatest long-term problem former child soldiers face results from missed years of education, training and work experience that put them at a disadvantage relative to their peers when it comes to finding employment. In a context where poverty is rife and jobs scarce this is a major problem; especially when guns are widely available, it can easily lead to banditry (which is widespread in Burundi).

This is why schemes to train former soldiers and give them access to land and microcredit schemes are particularly urgent, work such as is carried out by CEDAC for adult soldiers, and a centre for training former child soldiers, street children, orphans and otherwise vulnerable children that I visited the day before yesterday. Here children aged 14-18 are trained to become auto mechanics, furniture makers, IT specialists, hairdressers, plumbers, electricians, and various other trades, with a mixture of theoretical training and on-the-job experience. The Director tells me that many of the students go on to be employed in the businesses where they worked, and that over 80% of them find work. Eric, who is involved with the centre through CEDAC’s work with child soldiers, tells me that they have plans to expand nationwide, either by expanding in Bujumbura and building a boarding house, or by building centres around the country. Evidence that demobilising people, convincing them to hand over their guns, and sensitising them to reject violence isn’t enough; you also need to give them a choice.

IT class at Bujumbura Training Centre

Woodwork at Bujumbura Training Centre

Training Centre in Bujumbura

The Lament of the Demobilised

By Vera Brittain

‘Four years,’ some say consolingly. ‘Oh well,
What’s that ? You’re young. And then it must have been
A very fine experience for you !’
And they forget
How others stayed behind and just got on -
Got on the better since we were away.
And we came home and found
They had achieved, and men revered their names,
But never mentioned ours;
And no-one talked heroics now, and we
Must just go back and start again once more.
‘You threw four years into the melting-pot -
Did you indeed !’ these others cry. ‘Oh well,
The more fool you!’
And we’re beginning to agree with them.