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The Advocacy Project seeks to help community-based advocates produce, disseminate and use information, and so become more effective advocates for human rights and social justice

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Background on the Badja Campaign

The “Ten for One” campaign is named after the 10 WPIO representatives who,  within the space of one week, carry out intensive, behind-the-scenes negotiations with the traditional leaders to free their badja.

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Left: Mr Matabaro, leader of Burhinyi village, with the badja people he set free.  Pascal Cikambasi, a WPIO member, is sitting next to Mr Matabaro.
 
Background:

Traditionally, the bajda did the heavy work and fought for the abami (kings) and barhambo (lords). Today, this practice is still prevalent in South and North Kivu, Kisangani, Kasai and Bas-Congo. Badja are usually born into this situation, but the WPIO also reports that some badja have been captured and forced into this practice. While anyone can be a badja, due to the extreme vulnerability of pygmy communities, most badja tend to be from indigenous groups. Badja typically work for little or no pay for the abami/ murhambi. WPIO reports:

• In lieu of payment, badja are given “a little food” or token payments that are substantially below what is paid to non-badja.
• Sexual abuse on the badja women is rampant and typically goes unpunished.
• The children of badja are automatically badja and become the property of traditional leaders.
• The leaders also make all the decisions on behalf of the badja (if and who they will marry, whether their children go to school, etc.).
• The customary nature of this practice, coupled with a general unawareness about their rights, means that many badja tend to take this as their lot in life. 

Campaign Profile: 



Above: Activists from the "Ten for One" campaign.

The “Ten for One” campaigning method was created after the WPIO found that conventional human rights techniques were largely infective in combating the problem. The usual ‘naming and shaming’ approach where human rights advocates identify and publicly identify perpetrators was not productive in this situation. This was due to a variety of factors, including

• A negative perception of the pygmies by the local community, as the local Bantu groups seem largely indifferent to the plight of the badja.
• The traditional leaders also operated in relative impunity where local governmental authorities lacked the will, or the ability, to curb abuses highlighted by WPIO. 

Due to the hostile and/or indifferent public, public awareness campaigns by WPIO had limited success.

• In 2003 in Birava, WPIO staff members and volunteers were stoned by villagers as they marched to raise awareness on the plight of the badja.
• Also in 2003, at a football match hosted by WPIO to try and bring the Bantu and pygmy communities together in Rugendo, South Kivu, staff and volunteers were arrested by the police.
• Radio, usually a very powerful tool in public awareness campaigns, was not a viable alternative for WPIO as the local radio stations refused to carry their message. Where there was no overt hostility, the message was received with a great deal of indifference by the local communities and WPIO likened it to “preaching in a forest, where even the trees do not listen to you.” 

An analysis of the situation convinced WPIO that a reformist approach to advocacy would be more effective. This approach typically takes place out of the public eye with the parties engaging in cooperative and constructive discussions. The campaign happens in the following stages: 

Research on the traditional leader: WPIO spends months analyzing the traditional leader. They invest a lot of time getting information about the interests of the traditional leaders and most importantly, who the traditional leaders listen to. 

Identifying and building alliances: The research on the traditional identifies people that the traditional leader would be most receptive to. The WPIO will use a significant amount of time building alliances with the community leaders best suited to act as intermediaries for the WPIO. These intermediaries are people that the traditional leaders consider peers, have some sort of influence over the traditional leader; or have significant standing in the community. This makes the message of the intermediaries compelling to these traditional leaders. 

Cultivating local supporters:  In addition to the speaking to the traditional leaders, WPIO also asks its supporters to carry out outreach events in the communities. WPIO allies speak to the public before they approach the traditional leader. In so doing, WPIO hopes to have community support that will prove to be an extra incentive for the leaders to release their badja. This is especially since this practice flourishes with the tacit support of the community and the WPIO hopes that by showing the leaders that there are people in the community who object to the practice, the leaders will have an added reason to stop.

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